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第五章 王怡神学的后自由主义特征

一、后自由主义神学的文化---语言进路

上一章将王怡公共神学与教会论中的后自由派神学特征推至前台,论证这一维度在现有王怡研究中一直是一个重大盲点。在此基础上,本章对本研究所援引的后自由派神学传统展开更为系统深入的考察,并力图厘清其核心定义特征。

后自由派神学涵盖广泛的神学立场。作为"晚现代社会神学与宗教领域内一个多元运动(或更准确地说,一种思想倾向)",1它通常被认为与1980年代耶鲁学派的神学发展密切相关,或至少发端于彼处。2尽管后自由派神学阵营的边界至今仍较为模糊,汉斯·弗雷(Hans Frei)的叙事神学与乔治·林贝克(George Lindbeck)的文化—语言进路,却被普遍视为构成后自由派神学奠基性理论框架的两大支柱。3

本文所探讨的王怡神学中的后自由派元素,主要对应于林贝克的文化—语言特征。相比之下,叙事神学在王怡思想中所扮演的角色则相对次要。笔者认为,这与王怡在接触儒家世界观的过程中对美德伦理学所发展出的警惕有关——而美德伦理学往往与叙事的强调相关联。这将是下一章探讨的主要议题之一。本章将聚焦于分析王怡神学的文化—语言特征。

然而,熟悉中国现代教会史上基要派与自由派裂痕的读者,或许会立即察觉一种内在张力:王怡坚持家庭教会的"福音派—基要派身份",而文化—语言进路最初正是为基督教合一运动所构想的。这或许会引发他们对王怡立场与后自由派神学之兼容性的质疑。正如姚西伊(Yao Xiyi)所观察到的,二十世纪初,"自由派教会领袖和知识分子将宗派主义视为教会处境化的障碍",并成为各大合一组织的中坚力量。4

以西方影响下的"宗派主义"为主要批判对象,基督教中国化与合一运动被视为同一枚硬币的两面。1922年成立的中华全国基督教协进会(NCC,三自爱国运动的前身),将"自治、自传、自养"的三自原则与基督教合一运动并列为首要目标。5结再考虑前文所提家庭教会内部之归正与基要派联系,我们可以分析性地在中国现代教会史中区分出两种宽泛的取向——这一诠释性对比在很大程度上折射出王怡本人对这段历史的解读:一种可在神学与教会实践层面被描述为"自由派—合一运动—三自",另一种则为"基要派—改革宗—家庭教会"。当然,这种二元区分存在过度简化的风险。正如许多汉语神学学者所指出的,中华全国基督教协进会与三自运动的历史发展,不能简单等同于自由派神学;其起源包含相当可观的福音派影响,其领导层与构成群体长期以来也涵盖了多元的神学立场。6"合一"性与"自由派"在严格意义上也未必相互重叠。尽管如此,这一对比仍具有一定的分析价值,因为它能够捕捉到基督教在文化处境、教义表达与教会实践的关联方式上的不同取向——尤其是各自对大公性的理解与构建。正是这一启发性的区分,本章试图通过后自由派文化—语言神学的视角加以重新审视与重构。

本章首先探讨乔治·林贝克的《教义的本质》(The Nature of Doctrine),7着重阐明其所提出的文化—语言进路,以及它对当代主流宗教对话议程所构成的挑战。其次,本章将探讨这一后自由派视角对王怡神学之适用性的问题,核心在于林贝克与王怡对基督教合一运动的不同态度。通过审视后自由派神学内部的对话——尤其是侯活士对合一运动的回应——本章将论证,教义的本质所提供的后自由派资源,已被用于支持一种以特定敬拜群体之地方性为优先的大公性愿景。最后,本章将总结王怡晚期神学与文化—语言进路之间的深层共鸣,及其对秋雨圣约教会坚守反基督教中国化立场之意义。

1.1 宗教的三种模式

《教义的本质》以一个关于合一运动的问题开篇:鉴于各基督教宗派之间教义的多元性,合一运动所宣称的和解与统一,是否不过是一种自欺欺人?8作为一位深度投身路德宗与天主教对话议程的神学家,9林贝克坚持认为,合一和解具有真实的可能性,且不必以牺牲宗派教义间的重要差异为代价。为此,林德贝克提出文化—语言进路,作为两种主流宗教理论模式的替代方案。正是这两种模式,在相当程度上将当代普世主义运动推入了困境。其一是"认知—命题"模式:该模式将教义视为一系列对应于真理的命题,由此将教义差异构建为真与假之间你死我活的零和博弈。10其二是"经验—表达"模式:该模式与自由派神学亲和性强,深受弗里德里希·施莱尔马赫(Friedrich Schleiermacher)以经验为中心的信仰理论影响,倾向于聚焦人的内在宗教意识。持这一立场的神学家,往往着重强调不同宗教之间的相互学习,并将各宗教的表达视为同一内在人类经验意识的不同根植与显现。11

尽管林贝克热忱地关注新教与天主教之间的对话,他却担心按照"经验—表达"模式展开的对话,可能会过于轻易地确认所有宗教符号与表达背后存在某种共同的"基本经验",12从而忽视许多宗教对自身无可超越性的主张。他观察到,一种宗教通常宣称其真理教导并非仅在有限意义上比其他宗教"相对更真",而是"无可超越地真"。13可以说,一种无视宗教无可超越性的对话进路,表面上为合一运动宗派相互学习的原则提供了合法性,实则是以一种自我毁灭的方式进行的。因为正如林贝克所指出的,这种进路很容易为"当今社会压力所催生的宗教私人化与主观主义"火上浇油,导致教义被不加分辨地随意抛弃。14

林贝克对无可超越性的坚守,乍看之下似乎使他与反合一运动的命题主义立场殊途同归。然而,林贝克同时也识别出认知—命题理论的一个重大局限:它未能认识到命题获得意义所依赖的整个系统内在语境的关键重要性。例如,他指出,当十字军战士在屠杀异教徒时高喊"基督是主"(Christus est Dominus),尽管命题内容相同,这句话却"与基督教对主权的理解相矛盾——那种主权所体现的,例如,是受苦的仆人精神"。15

受路德维希·维特根斯坦(Ludwig Wittgenstein)的深刻启发,林贝克的文化—语言模式将宗教理解为一种"语言游戏",主要将其构想为"一种塑造整个生命与思想的文化和/或语言框架或媒介"。16这一框架在群体处境中形成,并作为语法而发挥功能,使成员得以有意义地运用词汇与符号。

1.2 文化---语言模式与作为规约性语法的教义

维特根斯坦式对语法在语言中决定性作用的强调,将焦点引向确定句子意义与真值所不可或缺的范畴维度。它所优先考量的,不是词汇或孤立的符号,而是使符号得以获得意义、并彼此连贯关联的语境框架。将这一视角应用于宗教,则意味着:正统教义的正式表达——例如用以阐明三条规范性原则的符号与概念——尽管在不同处境中可能各有差异,但其内容"从一开始就对塑造主流基督教身份具有持久的重要性"。17

林贝克以尼西亚信经和迦克墩信经为基本坐标,识别出促成其形成的三个古代基督教原则:一神论、历史特殊性以及基督论最大化。这些原则作为规范性准则而运作,塑造着基督徒与当代处境接触、并表达其信仰的方式。相比之下,教义的形式则由词语构成的句子,或其他表达方式——如审美符号——所组成;这些句子与符号,可以在这一语法语境的规则之内被有意义地运用,并相互关联。

此外,值得注意的是,林贝克并不追求一种基础主义式的进路,去进一步追问那三条规范性原则及其所依赖的早期教会生命形态究竟源自何处(如更根本的命题或人类宗教意识)。这或许也是受维特根斯坦影响所致。正如贝恩德·万恩韦奇(Bernd Wannenwetsch)所观察到的,"根据维特根斯坦……我们只能在语法被使用时看到它如何运作;我们无法看到它是如何'被制造'的。"18因为语法所依赖的生命形态——林贝克所称的文化—语言语境——是"必须被接受的、给定的东西"。19

如前所述,对林贝克而言,这种后自由派进路主要是为服务于合一运动而提出的。它创造了一种可能性:既为不同宗派之间的和解提供空间,又维护基督教的无可超越性。一方面,基督教的身份建立在教会给定生命形态中所承载和培育的独特语法之上,这构成教义的内容,也是大公性的本质所在。另一方面,这一内容通过不同时代和处境中多元的表达方式得以彰显,这就是教义的形式,也是宗派多元性存在的根本原因。

从这一视角来看,教会无法实现合一,本质上是一种语言能力的失败。教会合一的关键,在于掌握自己的"官方语言"——亦即早期教会历史上被称为"大公的"和"正统的"基督徒所使用的语言,以及"我们现在称为'合一运动'的"20那些人的语言。一个无力实现合一的教会,恰似一个因对母语缺乏足够熟悉而被各种方言和词汇变迁所迷惑、从而无法辨识其内在统一性的人。合一运动,由此构成一场掌握教会母语的运动:通过精通教会的官方语言及其规范性语法,教会可以欣赏不同宗派的多元表达,同时不必放弃对自身有别于其他宗教之独特身份的主张。

二、后自由主义与对「在地性」的寻索

2.1 王怡与后自由主义:可能的共鸣?

一旦将林贝克规范性原则的动态特征与维特根斯坦对语法之强调放在一起审视,便不难发现:这些原则与宗教表达之间的关系,与刘同苏和王怡所阐述的家庭教会传统中生命本质和外在形式之间的关系,有着显著的相似之处。21然而,上述类比在此遇到了一个重大困难。尽管两者在概念上颇为相近,他们对基督教合一运动的态度却截然相反。王怡曾严厉批评路德宗与天主教的合一运动:

世界信义宗联会和天主教会,在1999年发布了一份《有关称义教义的联合声明》……这算是对马丁·路德得的平反,教宗不在谴责路德了,原因是“其实你并没有反对我”。可悲的是,路德的后裔却没有勇气说,要么请你改变自己,要么请你继续谴责我吧,因为我真的反对了你。22

王怡将路德教会描述为一个群主,建一个群,结果自己却退群了。1999年发表的联合声明,无视了两个宗派之间至关重要的教义差异,它把宗教改革节之意义改为了万圣节。23 这些论点,似乎使王怡在合一运动问题上与林贝克处于截然对立的立场。然而,正如我将论证的,这种反合一的立场,并不否定王怡晚期神学的文化—语言特征。正如马歇尔(Marshall)所指出的,《教义的本质》在林贝克的合一探索中不过居于"边缘性"地位,而对该书之绝大多数研究并不关心支持合一议程。24这揭示出林贝克所提供的后自由派神学异象,早已超越他所设定的合一目的,产生了广泛而深远的影响。接下来,本文将探讨侯活士从林贝克那里所继承的后自由派神学资源,并进一步审视两人对合一运动的不同态度,从而勾勒后自由派神学的后续发展轨迹。继而,通过阐明侯活士的后自由派进路对王怡晚期神学的直接影响,我们将发现:这段看似迂回的路径,实则加深了我们对王怡坚守反中国化立场之意义的理解,因为它进一步揭示了那种推动后自由派神学对抗自由主义神学之批判力量的地方性关怀。

2.2 侯活士神学的后自由主义、反基础主义特征

侯活士在多处阐述了林贝克与教义的本质对他的影响,尤其是使他关注到基督教作为"实践"(performance)的重要性。25在他看来,林贝克对文化—语言进路的阐发,对自由派神学构成了重大挑战:它肯定了基督教信仰所孕育的特定群体生命中所形成的经验,有其独特的根源,而这些经验与其他经验之间存在着不可通约性的鸿沟。这揭示了"基督教伦理的独特性",26以及教会在这种伦理中不可化约的意义,与侯活士"教会本身就是一种社会伦理"的主张遥相呼应。27

与此同时,侯活士也借助林贝克在该书中对自由派神学的批评,回应了针对他神学之"宗派主义"特征的指责。28他澄清道,后自由派神学所提出的是一种反基础主义,反对的是所有宗教信念都由“普世原则或结构”加以支撑的观念。29这种反基础主义立场不能被化约为如古斯塔夫森所认为的非理性主义,因为它并不"通过使基督教信念免受其他知识方式(尤其是科学)的挑战来为基督教信仰辩护"。30恰恰相反,它承认基督教群体的信念应当"向其他视角的挑战保持开放",但"这些挑战的结果不应被法律或社会权力所预先决定"。31换言之,侯活士的后自由派进路,并不是要在特定文化—语言传统周围筑起防火墙,以抵御外部威胁、确保其稳定;而是要让这些传统在摆脱主流社会强势压力的情况下,有机地生长与相互交流。从后自由派的视角来看,科学与宗教教义一样,同属于特定的传统,而非凌驾于它们之上的统一原则或批判标准——科学自身的发展历史,包括科学范式的不断更新,清晰地证明了这一点。

上述辩护清晰地展示了林贝克的文化—语言进路如何启发了侯活士。然而,尽管两人共享这些关切,侯活士并未追随林贝克投身于教会合一运动。下文将通过审视两人各自对合一运动的论述,来展示后自由派文化—语言进路中所固有的对地方性的深切强调,如何在侯活士的著作中得到了更为彻底的关注与延伸。这反过来也推动了后自由派神学对宗教或宗派对话更为深刻的理解。

2.3 大公教会与否,这不是真正的问题

林贝克曾直接质询侯活士对合一运动的立场。32他这样做的主要目的,不仅仅是呼吁侯活士及其追随者将参与合一运动作为一项普遍议程,更是要论证:面对这一运动内部"信仰与秩序"进路与"生活与工作"进路之间的争论,侯活士及其追随者理应站在前者一边。林贝克援引侯活士自己的论点作为依据,指出对侯活士而言:其一,"教会的合一是"门徒忠心见证福音的"必要条件";33其二,这种合一应当成为"时空中可见的群体现实"。34然而,林贝克并未以这些论点作为坚持侯活士应当参与合一运动的无可辩驳的根据。他正确地指出,侯活士会认为"教会合一的可见性独立于合一运动",并更倾向于在"教会破碎的片段之中"感知这种"可见的合一"。35因此,他承认从理论层面而言,侯活士的神学不必认同合一运动,但仍坚持认为,合一运动是侯活士神学工作"实践上不可或缺的前提条件"。36

回顾侯活士的神学历程,其中固然充满了超越宗派界限的元素。林贝克以若望·保禄二世(John Paul II)和约翰·霍华德·尤德对侯活士的深刻影响为例,指出若非合一运动的诸多成就,侯活士便无法如此顺畅地跨越天主教与门诺派之间的鸿沟,他的神学工作也不可能达到今日这般的成熟程度与广泛影响。因此,尽管林贝克能够理解侯活士以"分工"为由而与合一运动保持的"表面上的疏离",他仍然深信:侯活士的神学使命与合一运动构成一个相互交织的生命整体,无论好坏都难以分割。37由此,他试图在合一运动的内部争论中,为侯活士主义找到其应有的位置。

林贝克梳理了合一运动的发展历程,识别出一个令他深感忧虑的趋势。他认为,合一运动正在丧失其生命活力,根本原因在于:从1968年世界基督教协进会(WCC)乌普萨拉大会开始,其核心焦点便从"信仰与秩序"转向了"生活与工作"。38他论证说,这一转变最深远的影响,在于将"世界的合一,而非服务于世界合一的教会的合一"设定为"直接目标"。39这催生了一种"上帝—世界—教会"的新想象范式,取代了原来的"上帝—教会—世界"范式,其毁灭性后果是"世界为教会设定议程"。40这一发展显然与侯活士"教会本身是一种社会策略"、应当构成"对比社会"的教导背道而驰。41有鉴于此,林贝克在面对合一运动当前困境时,呼吁侯活士主义者加入,共同推动恢复以"信仰与秩序"为优先的合一议程。42

然而,侯活士拒绝了林贝克的邀请。他的回应43揭示出两人之间最深的分歧:对合一与宗派差异之间关系的不同想象。侯活士援引林贝克的表述——上帝在教会内的合一工作正在"一点一点地消灭我们(各宗派)",正如"基督徒的舍己使我们更接近基督"44——认为这与他从尤德那里所学到的合一观相冲突。侯活士指出,从尤德的视角来看,主流合一运动所追求的,在很大程度上不过是"治理之合一"。45这种努力所取得的"官僚式成就",很可能反而使教会对阻碍基督身体成员之间真正合一的真实障碍变得麻木不仁。46因为在这种情况下所实现的多元包容,建立在与"美式多元主义自助餐"47如出一辙的多样性观念之上——将不同信念归入各宗派的主观领域,以宽容的规范原则治理宗派间关系。与此形成鲜明对比的是,基督身体的合一要求信徒认真对待各自特殊信念的真实性。正因如此,宗派间的和解必然是一项艰辛的工程,绝非廉价的自由主义式宽容所能化解。

考虑到尤德将教会不愿承认自身"可谬性"视为君士坦丁主义的一个核心特征,基督身体内艰辛的和解之路,便被理解为教会"否弃"君士坦丁主义的一种表达。48教会必须忠实地面对自身"背道的历史",承认其信念与实践有时是错误的,需要悔改与上帝的赦免。49而这恰恰是现代多元主义合一努力所欠缺的。以宽容之名将差异驱入主观领域所产生的和谐,既不给各教会留下相互指责对方在某些重要问题上严重坚守错误立场的空间,也不给教会为自身的可谬性悔改留下余地。相反,侯活士主张,教会的合一并不需要建立在相互妥协、达成共识基础上的整齐划一。恰恰相反,各教会彼此需要,正是因为它们承认自身的可谬性,从而允许传统在持续的争论中不断受到挑战与更新。在此基础上,侯活士论证道:"差异可能威胁合一,但没有差异,合一就不可能是大公的。"50我们或许可以引用G.K.切斯特顿(的一句话,来说明侯活士所识别的这一合一运动困境:"过去的禁锢意味着只允许正统者讨论宗教,现在的自由意味着不允许任何人讨论宗教。"51在基督教国度时代,差异被君士坦丁式的政治力量强行压制;在现代,君士坦丁主义则以更为隐蔽却更为激进的方式在自由主义中寻得了新的表达——以表面的尊重与宽容为幌子,将一切差异边缘化,使之变得无足轻重。

在这种对大公性的理解中,凸显出对地方性的强调。具体而特定的地方教会群体,成为蓬勃合一的真正源泉。一方面,这保存了基督身体的多样性;另一方面,这种多样性并非僵化凝固,而是"必须经受考验……从一个圣餐聚会到另一个圣餐聚会"。52侯活士援引阿拉斯代尔·麦金太尔(Alasdair MacIntyre)的"传统构成理性"理论,53来阐释这种地方性对挑战的开放性。该理论主张,尽管我们的视角根植于传统,但传统本身是活的、动态的,并非自我封闭的。当传统在与其他传统的相遇中面临"认识论危机"时,可以通过重新表述来克服这些挑战,从而演变为一个更为成熟的传统。当然,失败的可能性也不能排除——若一个传统无法克服所面临的挑战,它可能会"臣服于另一个传统"。54

从这一视角来看,侯活士所理解的合一性,必须从那些无法被抽象化的地方传统中有浮现;这些传统在面对其持久的"认识论危机"时,必须不断追问:如何"确信它们(不同的圣餐聚会)在敬拜同一位上帝",55同时坚守各自独特教义与实践的真实性。这种持续的挑战,并不构成对传统生命的破坏,而是其成长不可或缺的条件,既无法被合一运动的治理式统一所取代,也无法被自由主义的宽容信念所替代。

可以观察到,侯活士对传统的强调,在很大程度上与林贝克在教义的本质中通过引入教义规范性理论所欲达成的目标相互呼应。一方面,两位作者都与当代政治自由主义所隐含的"无负担的自我"56观念相左,转而倡导传统与社群在人的能动性之形成中所具有的构成性作用。此外,与许多社群主义者一样,他们都致力于在强调给定的文化—语言语境的同时,阐明传统的有机性与开放性,以此回应部落主义的批评。然而,林贝克的规范性理论仍不足以满足侯活士对地方性的追求。这一分歧通过两人对社群和语法之来源的不同论述而清晰地显现出来。

考察林贝克将宗教阐释为人类赖以在生活中产生经验的"诠释图式",不难令人联想到伊曼努尔·康德(Immanuel Kant)的范畴理论。在康德的理论中,十二个范畴构成人类知性活动的先验形式条件,57应用于提供内容与材料的直观之上,成为使人类关于对象的认知活动得以可能的必要条件。58事实上,林贝克偶尔也将这种诠释图式称为"范畴框架",59尽管它在以下两个方面与康德的范畴保持着显著区别:其一,林贝克的图式并非思想的先验形式,而是在群体生活中涌现的;其二,与此相关的是,由于各文化中形塑元素的差异,这种图式具有特殊性,60而非如康德所论述的范畴那样,是人类理性的普遍条件。然而,这两点区别仍不足以支撑侯活士反基础主义的地方性理解。因为林贝克在阐述基督教范式时,将其与其他宗教范式并列放置。例如,在解释一个范式如何在历史进程中自我调适、同时在变化中保持自身的恒常性时,他写道:

在此恒常性中并无独特之基督教成分,超自然之解释完全不必要。这只是语言、宗教(以及在较小程度上文化)所明显具有之那种稳定性。它们是人类借以看见和回应其变化世界的镜头,或是人类借以表述其描述的媒介。61

这似乎隐含地肯定了一个更具规范性的文化人类学范畴,将基督教图式与其他竞争性替代方案并列放置。这引人得出如下结论:尽管基督教图式由圣经叙事及其所孕育的群体实践所塑造,我们仍然可以将其形式起源追溯到某种人类固有的能力、倾向或结构。借用查尔斯·泰勒的表述,这个固有的基础,正是亚里士多德所称的人是"有逻各斯的动物"(zoon logon echon)。62因此,无论是圣经还是基督徒群体的实践,都在这一固有形式之下运作,生成诠释框架,由此影响并赋予其结果以多元而特殊的物质性元素。

我们可以发现,这一图式与上一章所讨论的凯波尔对基督教原则之有机性的诠释,有着相当显著的相似之处。两者都肯定某些人类固有能力——这些能力在人类堕落的处境中仍保持功能——在塑造基督教中的核心作用(无论是作为文化—语言传统,还是作为世界观)。基督教作为诠释图式,与凯波尔的"上帝主权"原则相类似,同样承担着呈现基督教特殊性格的关键责任。两者都意在凸显基督教与其他宗教之间的根本区别——尽管表面上存在相似甚至相同的命题或表达——从而守护基督教的独特性与无可超越性。同时,它们借助于自身之有机动态性,使基督教在多元化社会中保持对话与开放之能力。

然而,侯活士关于五旬节事件的一篇讲道,63提供了一种对基督教群体与语法之形成截然不同的诠释,尽管这篇讲道只是隐含地以林贝克为对话对象。在文中,侯活士回顾彼得的五旬节讲道,将教会的形成及其末世性特征,颂扬为圣灵所赐予的"新语言"。他与林贝克的文化人类学进路在以下两个方面存在根本分歧。其一,末世性特征表明,五旬节所赐予的语言与群体构成一种"新创造",与历史的终局息息相关。因此,它们的形成"并非日常事务",而是"在造就和消耗时间的能力上具有戏剧性"。。64与社会科学在讨论族裔和文化时惯常采用的空间性术语不同,侯活士在此采用时间性术语来描述这一新的文化—语言实在的降临。这意味着拆解那种将基督教现实与其他文化并列、置于人类社会性、叙事性或文化性规范范畴之下的并列关系。这表明,他所追求的基督教地方性,首先是一个时间性的"场所"——它不是多元文化清单中以空间想象确立其特殊性与边界的某个特定成员,而是作为一种有别于世俗时间的另类时间,从根本上挑战那一规范范畴所预设的无所不包的稳定性。其二,侯活士坚守五旬节的核心主题,着力强调圣灵在其中的大能与主动工作。他指出:"圣灵确实是一种狂野而有能力的临在,在没有子民之处创造出一个新子民,但它是他们和我们所认识的灵。"65而我们之所以能够参与这种末世性的临在实在,乃是因为"我们借着拿撒勒人耶稣这个人的生命与工作,被纳入上帝的新时间——这就是圣灵的工作"。66

侯活士对"新时间"、"新创造"、"新子民"的反复援引,加上他对圣灵大能工作的着力强调,无不凸显出他对基督教语法之可能性的理解,与林贝克有着何等深刻的分歧。借用万恩韦奇的洞见:林贝克对学习基督教语言的构想,更近似于一种"母语"学习模式;相比之下,在敬拜群体中运作的末世性新语言,"使基督徒生命更像学习一门外语,而非理解自己的母语"。67它"不可避免地伴随着对自己母语的(部分)遗忘",因为"它不应被理解为将之前所居住的语言领域('旧人'的生命形态)中的经验翻译成一种新的概念体系"。68沿着林贝克的文化人类学诠释进路,我认为可以合理地推断:教会和语法在形式上,是堕落之后人类能力延续的产物。圣经及其所衍生的教会实践,提供了材料实质,使基督徒赖以参与生命经验的特定诠释图式得以涌现。而另一方面,也可以设想:同样的固有本性,若给予不同的材料,同样可能产生非基督教的诠释框架。此外,正如林贝克所主张的,基督教与非基督教这两种产生诠释图式的方式,在根本上并无本质区别。然而侯活士澄清:教会的文化—语言新创造,乃是圣灵的自由工作。正如末世启示彰显并体现其成全而不废除历史,69圣灵的创造工作同样赋予我们一种新语言和末世性的能动性,使我们得以辨识上帝对世界的美好旨意——不是借着废除人性,而是借着心意的更新(罗马书 12:2)。

综上所述,侯活士对林贝克的回应,推进了后者文化—语言理论中固有的地方性元素,将后自由派神学引向超越林贝克为其所设定的合一目标。与此同时,地方性的末世性特征,使其本质上被理解为一种时间性实在——一种与当今世代异质的时间。这一时间维度使侯活士得以将地方性从威廉·卡瓦纳(William Cavanaugh)所称的现代自由主义社会"政治想象"70中的一个空间位置,提升至挑战这一规范性想象本身的更高层面。71此外,这也揭示了现代政治自由主义与自由派神学所共享的规范框架之普世主义特征,以及它与君士坦丁主义之间内在的关联。因此,在当代西方自由主义社会中,教会若要成为一个合一、和平的群体,其路径不应主要是与处于不同空间、持有不同信念的传统达成协议,也不应是紧守宗派间共同的规范性元素、期待差异终将消弭。相反,教会必须承认:它与他者在历史之内、在人力所及的范围之内,被无法解决乃至无法调和的冲突所牵绊;然而,在上帝所设立的圣礼与敬拜之中,他们共同进入那个异质的时间,在那里彼此称为弟兄姊妹。

三、为何后自由主义?为何反基督教中国化?

3.1 王怡神学的后自由主义特征

王怡后期神学中的后自由主义特征,可以在他讲解马太福音13:1-23的一篇讲道中得到明确的印证。72在那篇讲道中,他探讨耶稣使用比喻的意义。耶稣说他用比喻讲道,是为了叫能明白的人明白,不能明白的就不明白(马太福音 13:11-13)。王怡解释说,这种能否明白与智力高低无关;耶稣的比喻"实际上是对我们的智力,对我们的思维能力,对我们作为受造之物的有限性的宣告。"。73人对真理的理解依赖于上帝的启示,而"这个启示的方式的本身,就已经决定和影响了这个启示的内容"。74换言之,他主张耶稣使用比喻这一"方式",本身就内在地承载着拆解知识精英主义的"内容"。比喻这一方式揭示出,唯有信心而不是智力,才能领受关于天国的教训。信心本质上是"圣灵的触摸"、"上帝的工作"——"若没有新的生命在你的里面,你就不可能明白"。75

值得注意的是,王怡并未由此将基督徒信徒简单地归入"明白者"之列。恰恰相反,他似乎在信徒身上同时看见信与不信并存,着力强调比喻激励基督徒的两种方式。

第一是揭示,比喻总是要让我们知道一点我们不知道的!所以它总是需要被解释。第二比喻同时又是隐藏。揭示的那一部分使我们明白,隐藏的那一部分使我们敬畏,让我们知道我们不够明白,不能完全明白,也叫我们知道,我们这些有限的明白乃是出于神的恩典。我们能够信主,是因为神的恩典;我们能够明白耶稣所讲的比喻,是因为神的恩典;我们能够知道耶稣所讲的这些比喻是指向他自己,是因为神的恩典。因此,比喻会同时带来清晰和模糊。76

从这里开始,王怡对撒种比喻的讲道开始与《福音的政变》中所讨论的宗教改革"海水与火焰"主题产生共鸣——即信仰理性化与情感化的双重维度。77启示的双重特性——揭示与隐藏——引导基督徒在追求理智清晰的同时,保持对奥秘的敬畏。这种敬畏不只是理性上对人类知识局限的接受,而是一种具体引导信徒情感与行动的生命经历。在这一张力之中,出现了两种流行的基督教理解:

第一种叫做命题式的基督教,认为信仰当中的一切都可以准确地用逻辑的命题来预表。有一种叫做感受式的基督教,是不能够准确表达的;凡是你要准确地表达,你就把圣灵的工作抹杀了,所以最主要的是要用心灵去感受。78

在这篇讲道的语境中,王怡所指涉的两种模式:命题式与感受式,显然主要针对的是中国保守基要派与灵恩派教会,而非林贝克在西方语境中所面对的保守正统派与自由派神学立场;79然而,若辅以王怡对宗教改革和中国教会历史的论述,两者之间的内在关联便可清晰地呈现出来。第三章已经介绍了中国早期家庭教会的基要派信仰,以及王怡对其所作的修正;第四章则提及他援用马丁·路德"一半海水、一半火焰"的信仰,来阐释宗教改革的神学特征。在他看来,宗教改革对福音的重新发现,必然同时强调理性命题与敬虔经验;过度偏重前者,催生了过度哲学化的"战斗的改革宗";80而过度倾向后者,则在路德宗中得到体现——经由敬虔主义作为中介,对从施莱尔马赫开始的自由派神学发展作出了重要贡献。81由此,他对"感受式基督教"一词的使用,可以恰当地被理解为涵盖了自由派神学。

王怡忧虑秋雨圣约教会作为捍卫改革宗传统的机构,可能过度强调神学命题与教义,而忽视经验性感受;因此他告诫,"命题式的基督教和感受式的基督教,应该是一个完美的整体"。82这一表述似乎暗示在命题与经验之间存在一个光谱,改革宗传统则致力维持中央位置。按此想象,教会之任务便是在理性与情感之间取得平衡,避免任一极端。然而,这种诠释存在一个风险:它预设了一种王怡从未主张的理性与经验之二元对立,它把视野限于一个扁平、水平的想象,忽略了王怡处理这一议题之深度与复杂性。

这篇讲道对"处境"的强调展开了一个垂直的维度。在讨论命题主义与经验主义之后,王怡进一步阐述:

这是基督为什么要用比喻。你要进入耶稣,你要进入天国,你要进入他的比喻,不但要进入到一系列的命题,也要进入到那真实的情感。甚至主耶稣说,还要进入到那真实的处境。什么样的处境呢?为道受逼迫,为道受患难;还要面对一种处境,就是世间的思虑、钱财的诱惑。83

其中有两点尤为重要。首先,王怡以"进入"取代"明白",将当前的认识论主题锚定于伦理的基础之上。耶稣以日常生活中的意象描绘天国,揭示"天国是与你今天全部的生活、动作、存留有关系的。"。84"明白耶稣的比喻"之争论,已从命题与感受之间貌似无穷无尽之拉锯中解放出来,重新回归到,借用迈克尔·班纳(Michael Banner)一书的书名——“日常生活的伦理"。85其次,他指明这一处境是受苦之路,为后来殉道教会论话语的展开铺垫了基础。王怡随后解释道,撒种比喻的重点并不在于人应当成为好土,而在于上帝的主动性。他说:"人子就是在人心中撒种的那一位。这个焦点是告诉你,土地的出产是取决于农夫。"86而基督所拣选的好土,正是教会:"天国是单单籍着基督降临的,而承受天国的,只有他所拣选的教会。"87

如同侯活士,王怡在与教义争论交锋之时——尤其在回应自由派神学时——竭力把焦点转向教会群体之具体而特定之生命。进而,这一生命形式被诠释为教会所活出之、与当代主流社会有别的另类。在这部分,王怡显然直接借鉴了侯活士对马太福音之注释。88他讲完唯有教会才是好土地之后,立刻转向殉道之主题。在那里他提到:

有一位美国牧师说,没有一段经文比这个比喻更能描绘今天欧美教会的状况了。他说,我们正在衰落,这个比喻告诉我们,既要做一个基督的门徒,同时又要做一个富有的人,这是很难的;我们因着财富对这个世界的关切,只会扼杀我们对天国的想象力、对天国的盼望和对天国的信靠……在美国的基督徒,他们不能够想象,作为基督徒、作为主的门徒,会令他们与美国的主流生活方式相悖……美国今天的情况,不管基督徒的政治立场如何,他们是左派还是右派,他们都要面对这个问题……他们同样的都认为在今天的美国社会,要做神的门徒的必要条件——是追求自由。89

上述观点显然源自侯活士对马太福音13章的注释。90王怡认为,中国教会面临着同样的问题,被困于主流社会的想象之中。他以美国教会为鉴,提醒秋雨圣约教会:当教会借着公共化变得日益主流时,可能正是属灵衰退的开始,91被"世间的思虑、钱财的诱惑"所拦阻。92逼迫有时反而提供了活出另类生命的处境与机会。这并非对公开化异象的拒绝,而是他对宗教改革本质沉思的回响:无论公开还是私下,无论宗教权利是否存在,焦点不在于表面的命题之争,而在于确保使公开化议题议题获得恰当意义之生命形式——也即门徒之殉道。 因此,可以说,一个主要出于自由主义关怀而支持公开化异象的基督徒,可能比一个因殉道缘故而坚持私下聚会的教会,距离秋雨圣约教会所追求的公开化真正意义更为遥远。

3.2 反思凯波尔主义

就其作为解读王怡神学之主流框架而言,后自由派视角深化了我们对当前凯波尔主义诠释框架内在问题的理解。具体来说,凯波尔主义同时兼具命题主义与经验主义的特征。如上一章所概述的,它主要将基督教定义为由命题体系所构成的世界观,以上帝的绝对主权为最根本的原则,认为人通过接受这一原则,可以理想地获得对自身、教会、社会、政治及世界各领域正确而全面的理解。然而另一方面,凯波尔认为,从上帝的主权到其他领域的基督教命题,这一过程依赖于人类固有的感知能力与理性形式推理能力——这种能力并未被罪所摧毁。因此,当谈及基督教原则的有机统一时,它所代表的,是命题主义与经验主义之间的一种协作。

此外,如上一章所分析的,经验主义元素构成了这种有机性的真正来源。华人新改革宗基督徒对中国化议题的不同态度,实际上折射出他们对凯波尔体系中这两类知识资源(命题性的与感受性的)的不同侧重。一方面,新加尔文主义内部无论是传统家庭教会运动还是城市知识分子家庭教会运动,都呈现出命题主义倾向:前者认为与不共享基础命题(基督的绝对主权)的传统展开对话毫无意义;后者则受凯波尔基督教化教导的激发,对政治与社会采取论战式立场,寻求在所有社会领域推行基督教世界观的价值观。另一方面,近期华人神学学术界——尤其是在赫尔曼·巴文克神学影响下——着力凸显了以有机性论述为中心的经验主义元素,试图通过对普遍恩典的共同关注,推进与其他宗教(尤其是儒家)的对话议程,同时不放弃福音使命的重要性。93

然而,上述两种进路都无法满足王怡后期神学中的后自由派追求。如果基督教信仰首先是一种拥有独特语法的文化—语言现实,信念和命题只有在这一语法之内才能获得意义,那么华人神学家对通过宗教间对话所能达成或可以达成之共识的期待,便显得过于乐观。这种乐观有可能低估了源自不同语境与语法之两种不同宗教之间所固有之不可翻译性与不可通约性。

以徐西面提出的巴文克与新儒家牟宗三之间的对话方案为例。94他认为,只要将基督教的上帝概念与被牟宗三激烈批评的康德式上帝概念恰当区分,便可为基督教(至少是巴文克的新加尔文主义)与儒家展开对话创造一个"缓冲地带"。95下文将论证,这种乐观的断言忽视了牟宗三与基督教之间更为根本的冲突。通过揭示这一冲突的方法论核心,我们将看到:徐西面的对话方案,反而彰显了后自由派进路关于不同文化—语言处境之间语言的不可通约性与不可翻译性这一观察的关键重要性。

3.3 仓促的和解:新加尔文主义与新儒家的对话

徐西面将这一对话的焦点,放在基督教的"上帝形象"(imago Dei)概念与儒家"天命之谓性"概念之间的相互启发上。他论证,两者首先都"与人的存在相关",其次都"关乎道德";这些"平行之处"可以为"对话关系的突破"提供契机,96使华人基督徒能够从儒家天命的视角来思考上帝形象,而后者也可以从前者的补充与精炼中获益。

具体而言,在本体论层面,天命与上帝形象都涉及人类存在,但方式各异。在牟宗三那里,超越性、非位格的天命下降并内在化于人,构成人性;在巴文克那里,真正的上帝形象是三位一体中的基督,在创造中被传递给人类,使人与超越性的上帝形象发生关联,却不被其所吸收。97徐西面认为,巴文克对上帝形象的论述,比牟宗三非位格的天命,为人类内在道德基础的本质提供了更为具体的阐明。98此外,牟宗三的道德本体论"使人成为万物存在的基础",由此产生的人心可变性与"事物本体基础"不变性之间的矛盾,也可以通过上帝形象的修正性补充加以克服。99最后,徐西面认为牟宗三的天命论在本体论上存在缺陷,因为它将创造性的天命与人的道德本性相等同,100导致一种将本体论化约为或从属于伦理学的倾向。101这在他看来是有问题的,因为"'存在'并不仅仅由伦理语言来界定"。102他主张,人可以被超越"道德的"之外的术语所定义,例如"属灵的"存在。因此,存在必须构成更为宽广的基础,而道德则只应被理解为反映存在某些方面的特质与属性。他由此认为,巴文克的上帝形象论同时涵盖道德与本体两个维度,提供了一个更为优越的选择。103

徐西面的对话方案暴露出两个重大问题。其一,尽管巴文克与康德的上帝概念确实存在本质区别,但这种区别并不如徐西面所主张的那样,能为与儒家的对话创造"缓冲地带"。在牟宗三看来,受柏拉图和基督教影响的西方哲学,长期以来将知识与客观性置于道德与主体性之上,由此决定了西方伦理学的他律性格。104康德的自律伦理学将上帝从道德律的原始立法者和赐予者,转变为仅仅是确保德福一致的诸公设之一,这在西方哲学中已是朝正确方向迈出的重大突破,为与中国更为发达的道德学说产生连接创造了重要契机。有鉴于此,恢复三一上帝的基督教教义,不仅无法创造缓冲地带,反而会加剧两种传统之间的冲突——因为在牟宗三的体系中,康德恰恰扮演着东西方宗教与哲学之间中介者的角色。105

更为重要的是第二个问题:徐西面未能认识到他与牟宗三在本体论方法论上存在一种根本性的尖锐分歧。尽管在论证基督教补充性角色的过程中,徐西面已把握到荷兰新加尔文主义的有机性论述如何肯定基督教原则的有机性与动态性,106但他的本体论论证依然依赖于西方传统形而上学的一个广为预设的框架——具体而言,是一种将实体理解为承载事物属性的容器、并认为实体在界定个体事物之本质上比属性更根本、更在先的观点。而牟宗三对基督教上帝概念批评的核心,正是对西方本体论传统这一预设的直接挑战。牟宗三比较宗教与哲学的方法论,是"判教"与"圆教"。107"判教"一词源于佛教,指对继承佛陀教导的各宗各派进行内部分类的体系——各宗标准虽有不同,但每个宗派在根本上都将自身独特的教义或典籍置于这一体系的最高层。牟宗三主要参照天台宗的判教体系,以"圆教"为最高层级。徐西面在其对话方案中同样援引了牟宗三对这两个概念的阐发,也正确地辨识了它们在牟宗三工夫(道德修养)理论中的意义,包括它们如何"启迪人类理性"以达成"圆善"(完满之善)。108然而,他的论证未能揭示这些概念在牟宗三整个体系中更为根本的方法论地位。

牟宗三的道德本体论,将创造性的天命与人的道德本性相等同,由此在理论层面赋予了实践理性优先于理论理性的地位。然而,牟宗三所处的二十世纪中国文化处境,不容忽视。他的成长年代,恰与五四运动及后五四时期相重叠——那是一个中国现代化追求意识高度自觉的年代。其后,随着国民党政权迁台,在自由民主社会109中发展起来的新儒家,承担起双重责任:既要复兴儒家作为中华文化的代表,又要将科学与民主等现代价值整合进儒家正统话语之中。牟宗三的判教体系,正是这一努力的核心组成部分,其中圆教居于最高位置。他认为,西方缺乏圆教的概念——受柏拉图主义影响,西方对"圆满"的理解,倾向于将"圆满"归于教义所指向的对象——如柏拉图的理念或上帝——而非教义本身。

牟宗三进一步主张:"凡通过语言文字表达的体系皆不能是圆教,因为一切教义都是矛盾分歧的。基督教有其体系,伊斯兰教有另一套;各有各的体系,故皆非圆教。"110他的判断,实则建立在儒家人类普遍道德本性这一前提之上——亦即佛教所谓"一切众生皆有佛性"的观念。这类教义主张,人性圆满的基础是内在的,各种宗教、教义与学说的目的,都在于引导个体通过实践来实现这一固有本性。在这个意义上,牟宗三也承认基督教教义的有效性;然而,由于其本质上是一种"依他之信",111未能认识到上帝同时也是人类无限自由心灵的外在显现,基督教教义便只能处于"离教"的层次,低于圆教。112

此外,牟宗三还借助判教体系对整个西方哲学传统展开批判,认为自柏拉图以来,西方哲学过度专注于知识、客观化与纯粹理性的维度。这正是他认为康德代表西方哲学顶峰的原因所在。康德对实践理性的强调,标志着西方哲学的关键转折,为后来的德国观念论转向主体性铺平了道路。然而,牟宗三认为,西方对康德哲学的继承与发展问题重重,其根本原因在于康德将智的直觉仅归于上帝,由此阻碍了西方人认识到:形上学的本体论基础与人心中道德意识的根源,实为同一。113因此,尽管康德为转向道德主体性提供了动力,牟宗三仍批评德国观念论"发展得很差,尤其是黑格尔,常常令人生厌"。他认为,西方哲学若要超越康德的贡献,"不能停留在康德,必须与中国传统接触,再向前迈一步"。114

这再次凸显了徐西面提案的问题所在:强调动态特质的本体论发展,恰恰是针对传统形而上学所采用的静态实体概念而发的。这也解释了为什么牟宗三从不对天命的本质作深度的、客观化的陈述。从这一视角来看,徐西面所提出的基督教对儒家的修正方案,不过折射出两者各自形而上学预设之间的根本断裂。例如,他将"灵性"识别为牟宗三所忽视的一种本体论属性。然而,根据上文对牟宗三道德本体论的分析不难发现,"道德"一词在牟宗三体系中所涵盖的,远不止徐西面所理解的存在之某种局部属性。这种诠释忽视了牟宗三对康德现象界与物自身之区分的援用,将现象层面的道德性误作牟宗三体系中"道德"一词的全部意义。恰恰相反,牟宗三的"道德"代表着一种更为根本的本体论根源,万物皆从中生发。在这个意义上,"灵性"本身也是道德的,甚至理论理性的对象亦然。因为它们无不是天命展开的显现,而天命与我们固有的道德本性,本为同一。

上述阐述,并非意在为牟宗三的道德本体论辩护,亦非试图在传统形而上学实体主义与其他本体论进路之间判定优劣。其要点在于表明:就此类预设而言,正如当代与传统西方本体论之间的分歧一样,我们缺乏不可置疑的、普遍适用的标准来裁定哪个立场正确。这并非要质疑当代哲学将传统形而上学作为批判范式的普遍趋势。然而,这一趋势的说服力与有效性——其被某个时代的思想家所确立和接受——并非源于纯粹的理论确定性,而是源于更宏观的生命、实践与文化处境。例如,两次世界大战所塑造的处境,深刻影响了西方哲学倾向于接受哪些表达方式为有意义的,什么被视为有效或有根据,以及哪些标准应当被优先考量——并由此促成了存在主义与现象学在批判传统形而上学本质主义方面的主导地位。

对文化—语言处境的关注,正是构成林贝克所称的传统之间不可翻译性与不可通约性的重要来源。这种不可翻译性,无法通过识别更高阶理性元素——如重叠的命题、概念或符号——中的共同点来加以弥合,而是依赖于相关传统的实践处境。这正是作者在概述牟宗三判教体系时,刻意将其置于中国现代知识分子追求现代化与国共内战这一历史背景之中的缘由。唯有如此,才能真正揭示支撑牟宗三整个哲学事业的根本关切。115

他的整个道德本体论建构,以他与其他新儒家学者共同撰写的"为中国文化敬告世界人士宣言"中所阐述的民族使命为核心。116这份宣言毫无保留地体现了那个时代中国学者源于儒家士大夫传统的持久炽热的民族意识,并成为不同权威儒家学者携手投身"新儒家"事业的共同基础。认为新儒家判教体系主要是一种理论建构——通过作为理性评估标准来揭示儒家优越性——这种看法并不切实际。恰恰相反,它代表的是一种危机神学,体现了一次范式转变:当儒家与中华天下体系作为长期"正常科学"的共同命运联盟,遭遇"异例"(现代西方殖民强权)之时,117这一转变应运而生,旨在将儒家和中国文化重新定位于现代自由主义普世秩序中的优越位置。118因此,牟宗三关于判教的论述,往往以对中国知识界回归儒家主体性进路的诚切劝勉作结。119

由此可以推论:当考虑到决定宗教理论和命题意义的文化实践差异时,若宗教对话不仅仅是某一宗教抽象地借用他者概念资源为己所用(这种借用方式对被借用的宗教而言,往往显得大有问题),而是真正寻求传统之间的碰撞、相互理解与共同探索——那么以学术思想为中心的基督教中国化议程,就显得过于简单化和乐观了。在这样的对话与和解进程中,构成整个基督教语法的群体实践——如敬拜与圣礼——已然被边缘化。正如马歇尔所言(为侯活士所引用并认同):"教会借其合一使世界信服的福音……意味着这个有形的圣餐群体……在时空中的存在。120"这些被学术工匠所丢弃的石头,在后自由派神学家那里,成为真正合一性的房角石,也是基督徒突破人类自我封闭、真正向他者敞开的关键所在。

3.4 超越社群主义:寻索五旬节式的在地性

那么,究竟是什么样的决定性处境,塑造了王怡命题与术语的意义?本论文前三章已对此作出了清晰的回答。尽管王怡的思想历程经历了无数关键性的转变,他始终对以儒家士大夫传统为中心的文化想象及其所体现的民族主义崇拜,保持着高度的警惕。"地方性"早在他归信之前便已被他提出,作为抵抗中国同质化政治想象及其内在中央集权倾向的替代概念,并被视为具有推动宪政转型的潜在力量。。121然而在那个时期,他对地方性的理解仍与早期的个人主义信念纠缠在一起。因此,这种理解就像他的诗歌一样,陷入了一种悖论:对与他人真实连接的渴望,与一种滋生深度戒备的自我保护个人主义并存。这种内在冲突造成了一种瘫痪,使他无法超越自我封闭的藩篱。122

因此,他从哀歌到赞美诗的转变,也意味着他放弃了在内在自我中寻求地方性根源,转而仰望那从上赐予的、能将人与他人连接的语法。123这种审美感受力的深刻转变,对他的政治神学产生了缓慢而持续深入的影响。其影响首先体现在:他放弃了基督教世界观与洛克自由主义的联盟,转而接受一种强调重要他者在塑造身份认同中之构成性作用的社群主义自我观。这意味着他不再主要将对儒家士大夫传统和"天下"世界观的抵抗,锚定于原子化的个体之上,而是锚定于对以圣经和敬拜为中心的主体间性群体的追求之中。在共同阅读和默想上帝话语的过程中,这个群体被赋予一种能够穿透自我保护边界的异质语法,并在它所培育的主体间性中,活出真实的群体生命形态。其后,对真实群体生命的这种关注,使他如同许多社群主义者一样,在当代关于"权利优先"与"善优先"之伦理论争中,站到了"善"的一边。

社群主义者迈克尔·桑德尔在其极具影响力的著作《自由主义与正义的局限》(Liberalism and the Limits of Justice)124第二版序言中,回应批评者,澄清了他关于"善之优先性"这一主张的真正含义。他并非主张允许社群善的要求凌驾于个人权利保护之上——他明确肯定,某些权利的重要程度,使得"连公共福祉也无法凌驾其上"。125他真正挑战的,是那种认为人们可以独立于相关善与目的的讨论之外来理解权利的主张——例如通过罗尔斯正义论中的程序性思想实验(这正是桑德尔论著批评的对象)。126简而言之,这种社群主义进路认为,当代政治哲学中被广泛预设的"善与权利"之间的竞争,以及与之相关的"社群价值与个人自由"之间的冲突,都具有误导性。这些竞争性框架扭曲了两个概念之间本质上相互依存的关系。然而,善确实在一个特定意义上被肯定为优先于权利:当面对与权利相关的问题时,人必须思考权利所服务的目的(善),才能真正把握其合法性及其作为"权利"之地位的意义。由于我们对善的理解本质上在群体生活中被塑造,桑德尔由此肯定:作为权利主体的个人,其自我认同深深地嵌入于群体之中。

我们已经注意到,王怡对自发秩序日益深刻的反思,如何引领他走向了社群主义的自我观。127然而,与侯活士相似,他将社群主义的洞见带向了更深远的神学视野。128其一,尽管他与社群主义者共享"善优先"的立场,但他并不像后者那样,仅仅聚焦于公民对特定权利所服务之目的的讨论,而是对"权利"本身提供了神学诠释,认为其具有共同的目的。他提出:"福音在生存意义上保护人权,同时在属灵意义上颠覆它——这是教会所坚守的良心与自由的更高使命。"129权利的悖论恰恰在于,正如基督徒通过效法基督、舍命而得生一样,权利更高的目的"是用来放弃的"。130这将良心自由的意义,从保障言论与宗教的公民自由,引向路德所描述的"基督徒的自由"——那看似相互矛盾的双重命题:"基督徒是万事的自由主,不受任何人的管辖",以及"基督徒是万事的尽职仆人,受所有人的管辖"。131其二,他不满足于社群主义者所提出的完善主义政治方案,也不通过旨在促进社会团结的美德培育议程来为基督教群体的意义辩护。其三,他拒绝将对真实主体间性群体的盼望,建立在社群主义者普遍依赖的亚里士多德式人类固有政治本性之上。132

正如在审美经验中一样,他最终认识到:突破自我封闭的希望不在于语言本身,而在于那从外部被赐予的语法。只有当一个真实的群体——如侯活士讲道中所描述的五旬节群体——真正到来,人们才能走出自我保护与相互伤害的权力争斗,真正成为政治性的存在。

我认为,将王怡的这一取向归因于中国家庭教会殉道传统与侯活士后自由派教会论之间的深层共鸣,是合理的。这使他能够像侯活士一样,以末世性的视角引导对地方性的追求,在抵抗东方德治君主专制的同时,对西方自由主义规范性政治想象保持批判性介入。下一章将进一步探讨这种末世性末世论对王怡和秋雨圣约教会信仰上的抗命之意义;同时,我们将在东亚华人社会处境中继续推进王怡与侯活士主义之间的对话,以揭示两者之间的内在张力。本章所搁置的叙事神学问题,届时也将得到处理。最后,本文将借助路德神学的资源,为王怡神学的未来发展指出一个颇具前景的方向。

Footnotes

  1. Gary Dorrien, “A Third Way in Theology? The Origins of Postliberalism,” Christian Century 118/20 (2001), 16.

  2. See, for example, Ibid.; and C. C. Pecknold, Transforming Postliberal Theology (London: T&T Clark, 2005), 1.

  3. George Hunsinger doubts the existence of the so-called “Yale School” as a common theological program, arguing that it is more a “fiction,” or an “invention of theological journalism.” This argument serves his intention to distinguish between Frei’s “moderate propositionalism” and Lindbeck’s “pragmatism.” In this sense, he claims that Lindbeck’s theories of truth and doctrines are actually more “neoliberal” than “postliberal.” However, in terms of the theory of religion, Lindbeck remain postliberal. Furthermore, Hunsinger does not deny Lindbeck’s influence on postliberal theology, but rather attempts to narrow the scope of postliberalism in order to arrive at what he considers a more accurate definition. George Hunsinger, “Postliberal Theology,” in Cambridge Companion to Postmodern Theology, ed. Kevin Vanhoozer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 42- 57. A defence against the accusation of “pragmatism” against Lindbeck, see Bruce Marshall, “Introduction: The Nature of Doctrine after 25 Years,” in George Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age, 25th Anniversary Edition (Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 2009), xvii. prominent role in Wang’s thought. I contend this relates to his wariness towards virtue ethics— frequently associated with an emphasis on narrative—which emerged during his engagement with the Confucian worldview. This will be one of the main themes explored in the next chapter. This chapter will focus on analysing the cultural-linguistic characteristics of Wang’s theology. However, readers familiar with the rift between fundamentalist and liberal Christians in modern Chinese church history may immediately recognise the tension between Wang’s insistence on the “evangelical-fundamentalist identity” of house churches and the Christian ecumenical movement for which the cultural-linguistic approach was originally conceived. This may lead them to question the compatibility of Wang’s position with postliberal theology. As Yao Xiyi observes, early 20th-century “liberal church leaders and intellectuals viewed denominationalism as an obstacle to the contextualisation of the church and became the backbone of major ecumenical organisations.”4 With Western-influenced “denominationalism” as the primary target of opposition, Christian sinicisation and ecumenism were regarded as two sides of the same coin. The National Christian Council of China (NCC), the precursor to the TSPM established in 1922, listed both the Three-Self principles of “self-governance, self-propagation, and self-support” and the Christian ecumenical movement as its primary objectives.5 By also referring to the Reformed and fundamentalist affiliations within the house churches mentioned earlier, we can

  4. Yao Xiyi, “Jiaohui heyi linian de chongtu: Zhongguo Neidi Hui yu Zhonghua Quanguo Jidujiao Xiejin Hui guanxi zhi yanbian (1922-1926 nian)” 教会合一理念的冲突:中国内地会与中华全国基督教协进会关系之 演变 (1922-1926 年) [The Conflicting Visions of Church Union: The China Inland Mission and the National Christian Council, 1922-26], Daofeng: Jidujiao wenhua pinglun 道风:基督教文化评论 [Logos and Pneuma: Chinese Journal of Theology] 20 (Spring 2004), 236.

  5. Ibid., 237. Of course, during this period, China remained entrenched in the turbulent Warlord Era; hence the “Three-Self” doctrine stemmed more from the nationalist fervour of Chinese Christians than from the control mechanisms of the ruling powers. For a thorough study on the NCC’s historical trajectory towards “subjectification” and its eventual replacement by the National Committee of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement of the Protestant Churches in China (TSPM), alongside the tensions and struggles between its radical and moderate factions, see Song Jun, Bianju zhong de jueze: Zhonghua Quanguo Jidujiao Xiejinhui lishi de zhongjie (1949- 1951) 变局中的抉择:中华全国基督教协进会历史的终结(1949-1951)[Choices in a Time of Upheaval: The Demise of the National Christian Council of China (1949–1951)] (Hong Kong: Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 2017). analytically distinguish two broad orientations in modern Chinese church history—an interpretive contrast that largely reflects Wang’s own construal of that history: one that may be characterised, at the level of theological and ecclesial practice, as “liberal-ecumenical-Three- Self,” and another as “fundamentalist-Reformed-house church.” Centainly, such a binary risks oversimplification. As many Sino-theological scholars have noted, the historical development of the National Christian Council and the Three-Self movement cannot be straightforwardly identified with liberal theology; their origins include significant evangelical influences, and their leadership and constituencies have long encompassed a range of theological positions.6 Nor does “ecumenical” necessarily coincide with “liberal” in any strict sense. Nevertheless, this contrast retains a certain analytical value insofar as it captures divergent patterns in how Christianity is related to cultural context, doctrinal articulation, and ecclesial practice, especially in their respective construals of catholicity. It is precisely this heuristic distinction that the present chapter seeks to reconsider and reconfigure through the lens of postliberal, cultural-linguistic theology. This chapter first explores George Lindbeck’s The Nature of Doctrine,7 highlighting the cultural-linguistic approach it proposes and the challenges it poses to the contemporary mainstream agenda of interreligious dialogue. Next, it addresses the question of the applicability of this postliberal perspective to Wang’s theology. This primarily concerns the differing attitudes of Lindbeck and Wang towards the Christian ecumenical movement. A review of internal dialogue within postliberal theology, particularly Hauerwas’s response to the ecumenical movement, demonstrates that the postliberal resources provided by The Nature of Doctrine have been applied to support a vision of catholicity that prioritises the locality of

  6. See, for example, Daniel H. Bays, A New History of Christianity in China (Chichester, England: Wiley- Blackwell, 2012); and Philip L. Wickeri, Seeking the Common Ground: Protestant Christianity, the Three-Self Movement, and China’s United Front (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1988).

  7. Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine. particular worshipping communities. Finally, it summarises how Wang’s later theology resonates with the cultural-linguistic approach, and its significance for the ERCC’s insistence on anti-sinicisation agenda. 1.1. The Three Models of Religion The Nature of Doctrine opens with a question about ecumenism: Given the doctrinal diversity among various Christian denominations, is the reconciliation and unity claimed by Christian ecumenical movement self-deceptive?8 As a theologian deeply committed to the dialogue agenda between the Lutheran and Catholic churches, 9 Lindbeck insists that ecumenical reconciliation has its reality, which does not come at the expense of sacrificing the important differences between denominational doctrines. To this end, Lindbeck proposes his postliberal cultural-linguistic approach as an alternative to the two dominant models of religious theory that have contributed significantly to the predicament of contemporary universalist movements. On the one hand, the “cognitive-propositional” model treats doctrine as a series of propositions corresponding to truth, thereby framing doctrinal differences as a zero-sum contest between truth and falsehood.10 On the other hand, the “experiential expressionist” model, with strong affinities to liberal theology and influenced by Friedrich Schleiermacher’s experiential-centred theories of faith, tends to focus on the inner religious consciousness of the human being. Theologians who adopt this perspective tend to emphasise the mutual learning between religions, whose performances are regarded as rooted in the same inner human experiential consciousness.11

  8. Ibid., 1-2.

  9. For a review of Lindbeck’s engagement in the dialogue agenda, and the post-Vatican II conciliar background of his postliberal proposal, see Marshall, “Introduction,” x-xi.

  10. “They [sceptics of ecumenism] are inclined to think that the very notion of doctrinal reconciliation without: doctrinal change is self-contradictory, and they suspect that the dialogue participants are self-deceived victims of their desire to combine ecumenical harmony with denominational loyalty.” Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine, 1. Parenthesis added.

  11. Ibid., 9. Despite Lindbeck’s enthusiastic concern for dialogue between Protestantism and Catholicism, he worries that the dialogue conducted according to the latter model may too readily affirm a common “basic experience” 12 underlying all religious symbols and expressions, thereby overlooking many religions’ assertions of their own unsurpassability. As he observes, a religion typically asserts that its truth teachings are not merely relatively truer than those of other religions in a limited sense, but rather “unsurpassably true.”13 It may be said that a dialogue approach which disregards the unsurpassability of religion appears to legitimise ecumenicalism’s principle of denominational mutual learning, yet does so in a self- destructive manner. For, as Lindbeck points out, this approach may easily add fuel to the fire of “the religious privatism and subjectivism that is fostered by the social pressures of the day,” leading to the indiscriminate abandonment of doctrines.14 Lindbeck’s insistence on unsurpassability may initially appear to align him with an anti- ecumenical, propositionalist position. However, Lindbeck also identifies a significant limitation of the cognitive-propositional theory: its failure to recognise the crucial importance of the entire intrasystematic context through which propositions acquire their meaning. For example, he suggests that when a crusader shouts “Christus est Dominus” while killing pagans, the utterance nevertheless “contradicts the Christian understanding of Lordship as embodying, for example, suffering servanthood,” despite the propositional overlap involved.15 Significantly inspired by Ludwig Wittgenstein, Lindbeck’s cultural-linguistic model understands religion as a “language-game,” conceived primarily as “a kind of cultural and/or linguistic framework or medium that shapes the entirety of life and thought.”16 This

  12. Ibdi., 27.

  13. Ibid.

  14. Ibid., 63.

  15. Ibid., 50.

  16. Ibid., 19. framework is formed within a communal context and functions as the grammar through which members employ vocabulary and symbols meaningfully. 1.2. The Cultural-Linguistic Model and the Doctrine as Regulative Grammar The Wittgensteinian emphasis on the decisive role of grammar in language brings into focus the categorical dimensions essential for determining a sentence’s meaning and truth- value. Rather than prioritising vocabulary or isolated symbols, it foregrounds the contextual framework that enables symbols to acquire meaning and to relate coherently to one another. Applied to religion, this perspective suggests that while the formal expression of orthodox doctrine—such as the symbols and concepts used to articulate the three regulative principles— may vary across contexts, its content has “been abidingly important from the outset in shaping mainstream Christian identity.”17 Using the Nicene Creed and the Chalcedonian Creed as orienting coordinates, Lindbeck identifies three ancient Christian principles that contributed to their formation: monotheism, historical specificity, and Christological maximalism. These principles function as regulative norms, shaping how Christians engage with contemporary contexts and articulate their faith. The form of doctrine, by contrast, consists in sentences composed of words, or in other modes of expression—such as aesthetic symbols—that may be meaningfully deployed and interconnected in accordance with the rules operative within this grammatical context. Moreover, it is worth noting that Lindbeck does not pursue a foundationalist approach to examine further the basis upon which those three regulative principles and the form of life of the early church upon which they depended were derived (such as more fundamental propositions or human religious consciousness). This may also be the influence of Wittgenstein, for, as Bernd Wannenwetsch observes, “according to Wittgenstein, … it is possible to see how

  17. Ibid., 81. a grammar works only as it is used; we cannot see how it is ‘made’.”18 For the form of life upon which grammar depends—the cultural-linguistic context as Lindbeck calls it—is something that “has to be accepted, the given.”19 As mentioned above, for Lindbeck, such a postliberal approach is mainly proposed to serve the ecumenical movement. It created the possibility to accommodate both the space for reconciliation between different denominations and the unsurpassibility of Christianity. On the one hand, Christianity’s identity rests upon the unique grammar borne and cultivated within the church’s given form of life, and it constitutes the content of doctrine and the very essence of catholicity. On the other hand, this content manifests through diverse expressions across different eras and contexts. These represent the forms of doctrine and the very reason denominational pluralism exists. From this perspective, the church’s inability to achieve unity represents a failure in linguistic competence. The key to ecclesial unity lies in mastering one’s “official tongue,” that is, the language wielded by those Christians regarded as “catholic” and“orthodox” in early church history, as well as those whom “we now call ‘ecumenical’.”20 A church incapable of realising unity resembles an individual confused by the manifold expressions of their mother tongue—be it dialects or shifts in vocabulary—due to insufficient familiarity with it, thereby failing to discern the unity within. The ecumenical movement, then, constitutes a campaign to master the church’s mother tongue. By becoming proficient in the church’s official language and its regulative grammar, the church can appreciate the diverse expressions of different denominations without compromising its assertion of its distinct identity vis-à-vis other religions.

  18. Bernd Wannanwetsch, Political Worship: Ethics for Christian Citizens, trans. Margaret Kohl (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 220.

  19. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigation, trans. G. E. M. Anscombe, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), II xi 226e. Cited in Wannanwetsch, Political Worship, 220.

  20. Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine, 86. 2. Postliberalism and the Search for Locality 2.1. Wang Yi and Postliberalism: A Possible Resonance? Once the dynamic character of Lindbeck’s regulative principles is brought into focus, together with their affinity to Wittgenstein’s emphasis on grammar, it becomes evident that their relation to religious expression bears a notable resemblance to the relationship between the life essence and external forms of the house church tradition as articulated by Liu Tongsu and Wang.21 At this point, however, the foregoing analogy encounters a significant difficulty. Despite the apparent conceptual affinity, their respective attitudes toward the Christian ecumenical movement diverge sharply. Wang once harshly criticised the Lutheran-Catholic unity movement: The Lutheran World Federation and the Catholic Church issued a joint statement on the doctrine of justification in 1999. It … is a vindication of Luther; the Pope no longer condemns Luther, but the reason is “actually, you did not oppose me.” Unfortunately, Luther’s descendants today lack the courage to say, “Either change yourself or continue to condemn me, because I truly oppose you.”22 Wang describes the Lutheran church as a group founder who has left the group. By publishing the declaration of reconciliation in 1999, which overlooked crucial doctrinal differences between the two denominations, it altered the meaning of Reformation Day to All Saints’ Day.23 These arguments seem to put Wang in a diametrically opposed position to Lindbeck on the issue of ecumenism. However, such an anti-ecumenical stance, as I will demonstrate, does not negate the cultural-linguistic characteristics of Wang’s later theology. As Marshall notes,

  21. See Chapter 3, sec. 2.1-2.2.

  22. Wang Yi, Fuyin de zhengbian: Zongjiao gaige chensi lu 福音的政变:宗教改革沉思录 [The Gospel Revolt: Meditation of Protestant Reformation] (Hong Kong: Covenant Publishing Limited, 2017), 139.

  23. Ibid., 140. The Nature of Doctrine is of “peripheral” importance in Lindbeck’s ecumenical quest, and the vast majority of studies of the book do not concern themselves with supporting the ecumenical agenda.24 This reveals that the postliberal theological vision Lindbeck offers has long been influential beyond the ecumenical purpose he set. We now turn to explore the postliberal theological resources that Hauerwas inherited from Lindbeck and further examine their divergent attitudes towards the ecumenical movement, thereby depict the subsequent development of postliberal theology. Then, by elucidating the direct influence of Hauerwas’s postliberal approach on Wang’s later theology, we will discover that this brief detour serves to deepen our understanding of the significance of Wang’s insistence on anti-sinicisation, as it further reveals the concern for locality that advances the critical force of postliberalism against liberal theology. 2.2. The Postliberal Antifoundational Character of Stanley Hauerwas’s Theology Hauerwas explicates the influences of Lindbeck and The Nature of Doctrine on him in several places, particularly in drawing his attention to the importance of Christianity as “performance.”25 For him, Lindbeck’s elaboration of the cultural-linguistic approach posed a significant challenge to liberal theology. It affirms the distinct origins of experiences formed in the particular communal life generated by Christian faith, and the chasm of incommensurability between these and other experiences. This reveals “the distinctive nature of Christian ethics” and the irreducible significance of the church within such an ethics.26 This echoes Hauerwas’s assertion that the church is itself “a social ethic.”27

  24. Marshall, “Introduction,” xxii-xxiii.

  25. See Stanley Hauerwas, Against the Nations: War and Survival in a Liberal Society (Minneapolis: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 1-9; and Stanley Hauerwas, Performing the Faith: Bonhoeffer and the Practice of Nonviolence (London: SPCK, 2004), 78.

  26. Hauerwas, Against the Nations, 4.

  27. Stanley Hauerwas, The Peaceable Kingdom: A Primer in Christian Ethics (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1983), 99-102. At the same time, Hauerwas also responds to the criticism levelled at his theology for its “sectarian” character by drawing upon the perspective opened up through Lindbeck’s engagement with liberal theology in his book.28 He clarifies that what postliberalism has proposed is a kind of antifoundationalism, opposing the notion that all religious convictions are underpinned by “universal principles or structures.”29 This antifoundational position cannot be reduced to a form of irrationalism, as James Gustafson supposes, because it does not “justify Christian belief by making Christian convictions immune from challenge from other modes of knowledge, particularly science.”30 Rather, it admits that the convictions of Christian communities should “open to the challenge of other perspectives,” but “without the outcome of those challenges being predetermined by legal or social power.”31 In other words, Hauerwas’s postliberal approach is not concerned with erecting a firewall around particular cultural-linguistic traditions to ward off external threats and ensure their stability; instead, it is about these traditions growing and interacting organically, free from the dominant mainstream social pressures. Science, from the perspective of postliberalism, belongs to these particular traditions just as much as religious doctrines do, rather than being a unifying principle or critical criterion that stands above them. Its own developmental history, including the renewal of scientific paradigms, clearly demonstrates this point. The above defences clearly demonstrate how Lindbeck’s cultural-linguistic approach inspired Hauerwas. However, despite sharing these concerns, Hauerwas did not join Lindbeck

  28. See, for example, James M. Gustafson, “The Sectarian Temptation: Reflections on Theology, the Church and the University,” Proceedings of the Catholic Theological Society of America 40 (2013), 88-94. Retrieved from https://ejournals.bc.edu/index.php/ctsa/article/view/3298. In this article, Gustafson also criticises Lindbeck’s sectarian tendency, which he believes significantly contributes to Hauerwas’s same tendency. Therefore, despite only mentioning Gustafson in one note, Hauerwas’s references to and interpretations of Lindbeck’s work in Against the Nations can also be seen as conducting a hidden dialogue between Lindbeck and Gustafson. For his direct response to Gustafson, see Stanley Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today: Essays on Church, World, and Living in Between (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stoc, 2010), 2-21.

  29. Hauerwas, Against the Nations, 5-6.

  30. Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today, 9.

  31. Ibid., 11. in the ecumenical movement for church unity. We now examine their respective discussions on ecumenism to demonstrate how the profound emphasis on locality inherent in the postliberal cultural-linguistic approach finds more thorough attention and extension in Hauerwas’s work. This, in turn, advances postliberal theology’s deeper understanding of religious or denominational dialogue. 2.3. To Be Ecumenical, or Not, That Is Not the Question Lindbeck has interrogated Hauerwas’s stance on ecumenism directly. His primary aim in doing so is not merely to call upon Hauerwas and his followers to participate in the ecumenical movement as a general agenda, but to argue that in the face of the dispute within this movement between the “Faith and Order” and “Life and Work” approaches, Hauerwas and his followers ought to align themselves with the former position.32 That article appeals to Hauerwas’s argument in support of the unity of the church, pointing out that for Hauerwas: 1) “[T]he unity of the church is a necessary condition” for disciples to bear faithful witness to the gospel;33 and 2) This unity should become “a tangible communal reality in space and time.”34 However, Lindbeck does not use these arguments as indisputable grounds for insisting that Hauerwas should participate in the ecumenical movement. He correctly clarifies that Hauerwas would hold that “the visibility of the church’s unity is independent of ecumenism,” and would be more inclined to perceive this “visible unity” within “the broken fragments of the church.”35 He therefore acknowledges that, theoretically, Hauerwas’s theology need not concur with the ecumenical movement, yet maintains that “it is a practically necessary precondition for his work.”36

  32. George Lindbeck, “Ecumenisms in Conflict: Where Does Hauerwas Stand?,” in God, Truth, and Witness: Engaging Stanley Hauerwas, eds. L. Gregory Jones et al. (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2005), 224-228.

  33. Ibid., 217.

  34. Ibid., 217.

  35. Ibid., 218.

  36. Ibid., 219. Reflecting on Hauerwas’s theological journey, it is certainly marked by elements transcending denominational boundaries. Taking as an example the profound influences of John Paul II and John Howard Yoder on Hauerwas, Lindbeck observes that without the achievements of the ecumenical movement, Hauerwas could not have so readily bridged the divide between Catholicism and Mennonitism. Nor could his theological endeavours have attained the present level of maturity and influence. Therefore, even though he could understand Hauerwas’s “apparent disengagement” from the ecumenical movement for the reason of “the division of labor,” Lindbeck remained convinced that Hauerwas’s theological mission and ecumenism formed an interwoven life-unity, bound together for better or worse.37 Consequently, he sought to find Hauerwasianism’s proper place within the internal controversies of the ecumenical movement. Lindbeck reviewed the development of the ecumenical movement, identifying a trend that caused him particular concern. He believed it was losing its vitality, primarily because, starting with the 1968 WCC assembly in Uppsala, its central focus had shifted from “Faith and Order” to “Life and Work.”38 He argues that the most profound effect of this shift lies in making “the unity of the world, not that of the church in service to the world’s unity” as its “direct goal.”39 This has generated a “God-world-church” imaginary as the new paradigm, supplanting the previous “God-church-world” one, and the devastating consequence is that “the world sets the agenda for the church.”40 This development clearly runs counter to Hauerwas’s teachings that the church is itself a social strategy and should constitute a “contrast society.”41 For this reason, in confronting the present predicament of the ecumenical movement, Lindbeck called upon

  37. Ibid.

  38. Ibid., 221

  39. Ibid.

  40. Ibid., 223.

  41. Ibid., 227. For Hauerwas’s argument that the church does not possess a social strategy but is itself a social strategy, see Stanley Hauerwas and William H. Willimon, Resident Aliens: Life in the Christian Colony (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2014), 43-48. Hauerwasians to join in promoting the restoration of an ecumenical agenda prioritising “Faith and Order.”42 However, Hauerwas declined Lindbeck’s invitation. His response43 can be seen to reveal that the greatest divergence between them lies in their imaginations of the relationship between the unity and denominational differences. Hauerwas cites Lindbeck’s statement that God’s ecumenical work within the church “is destroying us (denominations) bit by bit” just as “Christian sacrifice brings us closer to Christ.”44 This conflicts with the ecumenicity he learned from Yoder. Hauerwas points out that, from Yoder’s perspective, the unity pursued by the mainstream ecumenical movement is largely “the unity of government.” 45 The “bureaucratic achievements” attained through such endeavours may well numb the church to the very obstacles hindering genuine unity among the members of Christ’s body.46 For the pluralistic inclusion achieved under such circumstances rests upon the same conception of diversity as the “American pluralist cafeteria,”47 which attributes divergent concepts to the subjective domains of individual denominations, while the normative principle of tolerance governs interdenominational relations. In stark contrast, the unity of the body of Christ demands that believers take the authenticity of their particular convictions seriously. For this reason, reconciliation between denominations is inevitably arduous and cannot be resolved through cheap liberal-style tolerance. Considering that Yoder regards the church’s unwillingness to acknowledge its own “fallibility” as a defining feature of Constantinianism, the arduous task of reconciliation within

  42. “I for one cannot but hope that the call comes, not only to those who have influenced Stanley, but also to many of those whom he has influenced. Ecumenism needs them.” Lindbeck, “Ecumenisms in Conflict: Where Does Hauerwas Stand?,” 228.

  43. Stanley Hauerwas, “Which Church? What Unity? Or, an Attempt to Say What I May Think about the Future of Christian Unity,” Pro Ecclesia 22/3 (2013), 263-280.

  44. Ibid., 268. Citing here, John Wright ed., Postliberal Theology and the Church Catholic: Conversations with George Lindbeck, David Burrell, and Stanley Hauerwas (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2012), 118.

  45. Stanley Hauerwas, “Which Church? What Unity?,” 270.

  46. Ibid.

  47. Ibid. the body of Christ is thus understood as an expression of the church’s “disavowal” of Constantinianism.48 The church must faithfully confront its own “history of apostasy,” acknowledging that its beliefs and practices have at times been erroneous, requiring repentance and divine forgiveness.49 This is what is lacking in modern pluralistic ecumenical endeavours. The harmony produced by driving differences into the realm of subjective matter in the name of tolerance leaves no room for churches to accuse each other of serious adherence to certain positions on certain issues, nor for churches to repent for their own fallibility. In contrast, Hauerwas contends that the unity of the church does not require uniformity based on mutual agreement. Rather, churches need one another precisely because they acknowledge their own fallibility, allowing tradition to be continually challenged and renewed through debate. Based on this, Hauerwas argues that “difference can threaten unity, but unity cannot be Catholic without difference.”50 We might quote G.K. Chesterton to illustrate the ecumenical problem Hauerwas has identified: “The old restriction meant that only the orthodox were allowed to discuss religion. Modern liberty means that nobody is allowed to discuss it.”51 In the era of Christendom, differences were suppressed by Constantinian political forces. In modern times, Constantinianism found a subtle yet more radical expression in liberalism, under the guise of superficial respect and tolerance, marginalising all differences and rendering them insignificant. Within this understanding of catholicity, an emphasis on locality is made prominent. Concrete and specific local church communities have become the true sources of flourishing unity. On the one hand, this preserves the diversity of the body of Christ, while on the other hand, this diversity is not rigidified, but “must be tested … from one Eucharistic assembly to another Eucharistic assembly.”52 The communitarian character of Hauerwas’s theology is

  48. Ibid., 271.

  49. Ibid.

  50. Ibid., 273.

  51. G.K. Chesterton, Heretics (n.p.: Christian Classic Ethereal Library, 2002), 5. http://www.ccel.org/ccel/chesterton/heretics.html

  52. Stanley Hauerwas, “Which Church? What Unity?,” 273. evident here. He draws upon Alasdair MacIntyre’s “account of tradition-constituted rationality”53 to illustrate the openness of such locality to challenges. This account maintains that although our perspectives are rooted in tradition, tradition itself is living, dynamic, and not self-enclosed. When confronted with an “epistemological crisis” arising from encounters with other traditions, tradition may overcome such challenges through reformulation, thereby evolving into a more mature tradition. Of course, the possibility of failure cannot be ruled out. A tradition may “be subject to … another tradition” if it fails to overcome its challenges.54 In this perspective, ecumenicity, as Hauerwas understands it, must emerge from local traditions that cannot be abstracted when confronted with their enduring “epistemological crisis.” They must persistently question how to “have confidence they (different Eucharistic assemblies) are worshipping the same God,” whilst upholding the truth of their own distinctive teachings and practices.55 This enduring challenge does not constitute a destruction of traditional life, but rather is essential to its growth and cannot be replaced by the unity of governance of the ecumenical movement or the liberal belief in tolerance. It can be observed that Hauerwas’s emphasis on tradition largely echoes what Lindbeck sought to achieve in The Nature of Doctrine through his introduction of the regulative theory of doctrine. On the one hand, both authors diverge from the contemporary political liberalism’s implicit conception of a “unencumbered self,”56 instead championing the constitutive role of tradition and community in the very formation of human agency. Moreover, like many communitarians, they endeavour to clarify the organicity and openness of tradition while emphasising the given cultural-linguistic context, thereby addressing criticisms of tribalism. Lindbeck’s normative theory, nevertheless, remains insufficient to satisfy Hauerwas’s pursuit

  53. Ibid., 276.

  54. Ibid.

  55. Ibid., 273. Parenthesis added.

  56. The term was employed by Michael Sandel in his critique of Rawlsian liberalism. Michael Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), ix-xvi. of locality. This divergence becomes evident through their different accounts of the sources of community and grammar. It is difficult not to be reminded of Immanuel Kant’s theory of the categories when considering Lindbeck’s exposition of religion as an “interpretive scheme” upon which human beings rely to generate experience in life. In Kant’s theory, the twelve categories constitute the a priori formal conditions of human intellectual activity.57 Applied to intuition, which provides content and material, they are the necessary conditions that render human cognitive activity concerning an object possible.58 Actually, Lindbeck occasionally refers to the interpretive schema as a “categorial framework,”59 though it remains markedly distinct from Kant’s in the following respects. Firstly, Lindbeck’s schema is not an a priori form of thought, but rather emerges within communal life. A second related distinction is that this schema possesses particularity due to differing formative elements within cultures,60 rather than being universal conditions of human reason, as in Kant’s account of categories. However, these differences are insufficient to support Hauerwas’s anti-foundationalist understanding of locality. For Lindbeck, in articulating the Christian paradigm, affirms its juxtaposition alongside other religious paradigms. For instance, when explaining how a paradigm can self-adjust within the historical process while maintaining its own constancy amidst change, he writes: There is nothing uniquely Christian about this constancy: supernatural explanations are quite unnecessary. This is simply the kind of stability that languages and religions, and to a lesser extent cultures, observably have. They are the lenses through which human beings

  57. Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, unified edition, trans. Werner Pluhar (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett, 1996), 124.

  58. Ibid., 175-177.

  59. Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine, 66.

  60. For Lindbeck, the most decisive factor shaping the Christian framework is the Bible’s narrative. Ibid. see and respond to their changing worlds, or the media in which they formulate their descriptions.61 This appears to implicitly affirm a more normative category in terms of cultural anthropology, encompassing the Christian scheme alongside competing alternatives. This invites one to conclude that, although the Christian scheme is shaped by biblical narrative and the communal practices that blossom from it, we can still trace its formal origins back to some innate human capacity, inclination, or structure. This innate ground, to quote Charles Taylor, is that man is what Aristotle termed “zoon logon echon,” meaning “animal possessing logos.”62 Therefore, whether it be the Scriptures or the practices of the Christian community, they function under this innate form and generate interpretative frameworks, thereby influencing and endowing their outcomes with diverse, particular material elements. We can recognise that this scheme bears considerable resemblance to Abraham Kuyper’s interpretation of Christian principles’ organicity and how they generate a holistic form of life, as discussed in the preceding chapter. Both affirm the central role of certain innate human capacities—capacities that remain functional despite humanity’s fallen state—in shaping Christianity (whether as a cultural-linguistic tradition or a worldview). Christianity, as an interpretive schema, similarly shoulders the pivotal responsibility akin to Kuyper’s principle of “God’s sovereignty” of presenting Christianity’s particular character. Both serve to underscore the crucial distinctions between Christianity and other religions, despite superficially similar or identical propositions or expressions, thereby preserving Christianity’s uniqueness and unsurpassability. Simultaneously, they draw upon their organic dynamic qualities to sustain Christianity’s capacity for dialogue and openness within pluralistic societies.

  61. Ibid., 69.

  62. Charles Taylor, “Language and Human Nature,” in Human Agency and Language: Philosophical Papers 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 217. However, Hauerwas’s sermon on the Pentecost event63 offers an interpretation of the formation of Christian community and grammar that is entirely distinct from the aforementioned approach, even though the sermon only implicitly replies to Lindbeck as its interlocutor. In this article, Hauerwas recalls Peter’s Pentecostal discourse, extolling the formation of the church and its apocalyptic character as a “new language” given by the Holy Spirit. His views diverge from Lindbeck’s cultural-anthropological approach to Christian grammar in the following respects. Firstly, the apocalyptic character indicates that the language and community bestowed at Pentecost constitute a “new creation” which concerns the end of history. Consequently, their formation are “not everyday affairs” but “dramatic in their power to make and consume time.”64 In contrast to the spatial terminology commonly employed in the social sciences when discussing ethnicity and culture, Hauerwas here adopts temporal terms to depict the advent of this new cultural-linguistic reality. This implies dismantling the juxtaposition that places Christian reality alongside other cultures under the normative categories of the social, narrative, or cultural nature of humanity. It demonstrates that the Christian locality he pursues is primarily a temporal “place”. It is not a specific member within a multicultural inventory that establishes its particularity and boundaries based on spatial imagination, but rather, as an alternative time distinct from secular time, it radically challenges the all-encompassing stability presupposed by that normative category. Secondly, Hauerwas adhered to the main theme of Pentecost, emphasising the Holy Spirit’s power and active work in this context. As he notes, “[t]he Spirit, to be sure, is a wild and powerful presence creating a new people where there was no people, but it is a spirit that they and we know.”65 And the reason we are able to participate in this eschatological reality of presence is because “[t]hat is

  63. Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today, 47-54.

  64. Ibid., 51.

  65. Ibid., 51-52. the work of the Spirit as we are made part of God’s new time through the life and work of this man, Jesus of Nazareth.”66 Hauerwas’s repeated references to “new time,” “new creation,” and “new people,” coupled with his emphasis on the powerful work of the Holy Spirit, all serve to highlight how profoundly his understanding of the possibility of Christian grammar diverges from Lindbeck’s. To borrow Wannenwetsch’s insight, Lindbeck’s conception of learning Christian language more closely resembles a “mother tongue” learning model. In contrast, the new apocalyptic language operating in the worshipping community “makes the Christian life more like learning a foreign language than understanding one’s own.”67 It “inevitably goes together with the (partial) unlearning of one’s own mother tongue” as “it should not be understood as a translation into a new conceptuality of experiences in the linguistic area previously inhabited (the form of life of ‘the old man’).”68 Following Lindbeck’s cultural-anthropological interpretative approach, I believe it is fair to infer that both the church and grammar are formally continuations of human capacity that persisted after the Fall. The Bible and the ecclesiastical practices derived from it provide the material substance enabling the emergence of particular interpretative schemes through which Christians engage with life experiences. On the other hand, one might also conceive that, given different material, the same inherent nature might produce non-Christian interpretative frameworks. Moreover, as Lindbeck asserts, the two modes—Christian and non-Christian—of generating interpretative schemes are not fundamentally distinct. Hauerwas, however, clarifies that the church’s cultural-linguistic new creation constitutes the free work of the Holy Spirit. Just as apocalyptic manifests and embodies its consummation without abolishing history,69 so

  66. Ibid., 52.

  67. Wannanwetsch, Political Worship, 39.

  68. Ibid.

  69. Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today, 51. the Holy Spirit’s creative work endows us with a new language and eschatological agency to discern God’s good purpose for the world—not by abolishing humanity, but through the renewal of the mind (Romans 12:2). In sum, Hauerwas’s response to Lindbeck advances the element of locality inherent in the latter’s cultural-linguistic theory. It leads postliberalism beyond the ecumenical goals Lindbeck set for it. Simultaneously, the apocalyptic character of locality renders it essentially understood as a temporal reality, a time heterogeneous to this world-age. The temporal dimension empowers Hauerwas to elevate locality from a spatial location within what William Cavanaugh terms the “political imagination”70 of modern liberal society to a higher position that challenges this normative imagination itself. 71 Furthermore, it reveals the universalist character of the normative framework shared by modern political liberalism and liberal theology, as well as its connection to Constantinianism. Therefore, in contemporary Western liberal societies, for the church to become a united, peaceable community, it must not do so primarily by reaching agreement with traditions situated in different spaces and holding divergent beliefs, nor by clinging to shared regulative elements between denominations while expecting differences to vanish eventually. Rather, it must acknowledge that while it and others are bound by unresolvable or even irreconcilable conflicts within history and human reach, they enter together into that heterogeneous time within the sacraments instituted by God and in worship, where they call one another brother and sister.

  70. William Cavanaugh, Theopolitical Imagination: Discovering the Liturgy as a Political Act in an Age of Global Consumerism (London: T & T Clark, 2002).

  71. Under this normative imagination, Cavanaugh insightfully points out, what discussions about the publicity of the church “have in common is the map, a formal figure of abstract places from which the dimension of time has been eliminated. Placing the Church on such a grid is a peculiarly modern phenomenon.” Ibid. 91. 3. Why Postliberalism? Why Anti-Sinicisation? 3.1. The Postliberal Character of Wang Yi’s Theology The postliberal characteristics of Wang’s later theology can be explicitly identified in his sermon on Matthew 13:1-23.72 There, he discusses the significance of Jesus’ use of parables. Jesus said he spoke in parables so that those who could understand might understand, but those who could not understand would not understand (Matthew 13:11-13). Wang explains that this ability or inability to know does not depend on intelligence; rather, Jesus’ parables “are a declaration of the finitude of our intellect, of our capacity for thought, of our being as creatures.”73 One’s understanding of truth relies upon God’s revelation, and “the very way of revelation itself determines and influences the content of that revelation.”74 In other words, he contends that Jesus’s “way” of using parables inherently carries the “content” that dismantles intellectual elitism. It reveals that only faith, not intellect, can comprehend teachings about the kingdom of heaven. Faith is essentially “the touch of the Holy Spirit,” “the work of God,” such that “without new life within you, you cannot possibly understand.”75 It is noteworthy that Wang does not thereby place Christian believers among the “understanding ones.” Rather, as if perceiving both faith and unbelief within believers, he emphasises the two ways in which the parables inspire Christians: The first is exposing. A parable always aims to teach us something we do not know! Therefore, it always requires explanation. Second, a parable also conceals something. The exposed part helps us understand, while the concealed part fills us with fear, making us

  72. Wang Yi, “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de (Tai 13: 1-23)” 你们的耳朵是有福的(太13:1-23) [Blessed are your ears (Matthew 13:1-23)], Wang Yi wenku 王怡文库 [Wang Yi Resource Library], 12 December 2017. https://www.pastorwangyi.org/post/你们的耳朵是有福的.

  73. Ibid.

  74. Ibid.

  75. Ibid. realise that we do not fully understand and that our limited understanding comes from God’s grace. We are able to believe in the Lord because of God’s grace; we are able to understand the parables Jesus spoke because of God’s grace; we are able to know that the parables Jesus spoke refer to Himself because of God’s grace. Therefore, parables bring both clarity and ambiguity.76 From this point, Wang’s sermon on the parable begins to resonate with the theme of the Reformation’s “seawater and flame” discussed in Fuyin de zhengbian, namely, the dual dimensions of faith’s rationalisation and emotionalisation.77 The dual characteristics of revelation—unveiling and concealing—lead Christians to pursue intellectual clarity while maintaining reverence for mystery. Such reverence is not merely a rational acceptance of the limits of human knowledge, but a lived experience that concretely guides the emotions and actions of believers. Within this tension, two prevailing understandings of Christianity emerge: The first is called propositional Christianity, which believes that everything in faith can be accurately expressed in logical propositions. There is a kind of Christianity called experiential Christianity, which cannot be accurately expressed; wherever you try to express it accurately, you blot out the work of the Holy Spirit, so the main thing is to feel it with the heart.78 Although within the context of this sermon, it is evident that the two models Wang refers to— propositional and experiential—are primarily directed at China’s conservative fundamentalist and charismatic churches, rather than the conservative orthodox and liberal theological positions Lindbeck encountered within the Western context.79 However, when supplemented

  76. Ibid.

  77. Wang, Fuyin de zhengbian, 133. See also Chapter 4, sec. 4.2.

  78. Wang “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de.”

  79. “The parable tells us that Christianity is both propositional Christianity and experiential Christianity. We Reformed Christians often criticise our charismatic brothers and sisters because they deny propositional by Wang’s discussion of the Reformation and the history of the Chinese church, a connection between the two can be discerned. We have already introduced the fundamentalist beliefs of China’s early house churches and Wang’s revisions in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 mentioned his use of Martin Luther’s “half seawater, half flame” faith to explain the theological characteristics of the Reformation. In his view, the Reformation’s rediscovery of the gospel necessarily emphasised both rational propositions and devotional experience at the same time. An exclusive focus on the former gave rise to the overly philosophised “combative Reformism,”80 while an excessive inclination towards the latter manifested in Lutheranism, which, through Pietism as its intermediary, made significant contributions to the development of liberal theology from Schleiermacher onwards.81 In this vain, his use of the term “experiential Christianity” can appropriately be said to encompass liberal theology. He expresses concern that the ERCC, as an institution championing the Reformed tradition, might place excessive emphasis on theological propositions and dogma while overlooking experiential sensibility. Hence, he cautions that “propositional Christianity and experiential Christianity ought to form a perfect unity.”82 This formulation may seem to suggest a spectrum between proposition and experience, with the Reformation tradition striving to maintain a central position. According to this imaginary, the church’s task would be to balance reason and emotion, avoiding extremes on either side. However, this interpretation risks presupposing a dualistic distinction between reason and experience that Wang never advocates. It confines the perspective to a flat, horizontal imagination, overlooking the depth and complexity with which Wang approached this issue. Christianity and their Christianity is only experiential Christianity. But we Reformed Christians are often criticised for being propositional Christians who lack genuine experience.” Ibid.

  80. Wang, Fuyin de zhengbian, 54-56.

  81. Ibid., 138-139.

  82. Wang, “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de.” The sermon’s emphasis on “context” unfolds a vertical dimension. Following his discussion of propositionalism and experientialism, Wang further elaborates: This is why Christ used parables. If you want to enter into Jesus, want to enter into the kingdom of heaven, and want to enter into His parables, you must not only enter into a series of propositions, but also enter into the true emotions. Even the Lord Jesus said that you must enter into the true context. What kind of context? Suffering persecution for the sake of the Word, suffering tribulation for the sake of the Way; you must also face a situation of worldly cares and the temptation of money.83 Two points are particularly important. Firstly, by substituting the verb “understand” with “enter,” Wang anchors the present epistemological theme on ethical grounds. Jesus employed imagery from everyday life to depict the kingdom of heaven, revealing that the kingdom is about “everything in one’s life, actions, and survival.”84 The controversy surrounding “understanding Jesus’ Parables” has been free from the seemingly endless tug-of-war between “proposition” and “feeling” and resettled on, to borrow the title of Michael Banner’s book, “the ethics of everyday life.”85 Secondly, he specifies that this context is a way of suffering. This paves the way for the later discourses on the ecclesiology of martyrdom. Wang goes on to explain that the point of the parable of sowing is not that people should become good soil, but rather God’s initiative. He says: “The Son of Man is the one who sows the seed in people’s hearts. The focus here is to tell you that the soil’s yield depends on the farmer.”86 And the good soil that Christ chose is the church: “The kingdom of heaven is solely through the coming of Christ, and only the church he has chosen inherits the kingdom of heaven.”87

  83. Ibid. Emphasis added.

  84. Ibid.

  85. Michael Banner, The Ethics of Everyday Life: Moral Theology, Social Anthropology, and the Imagination of the Human (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

  86. Wang, “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de.”

  87. Ibid. Like Hauerwas, Wang endeavours to shift the focus towards the concrete and particular life of the church community when engaging with doctrinal disputes, particularly in response to liberal theology. Moreover, this form of life is interpreted as an alternative lived out by the church, distinct from contemporary mainstream society. In this part, it is clear that Wang drew directly upon Hauerwas’s commentary on Matthew.88 After he has finished speaking about the fertile soil found only in the church, he immediately turns to the theme of martyrdom. There he mentions: An American pastor once said that no passage of Scripture better describes the state of the church in Europe and America today than this parable. He said that we are in decline, and this parable tells us that it is difficult to be a disciple of Christ and a rich man at the same time. Our concern for this world because of our wealth will only stifle our imagination of the kingdom of heaven. … He said that Christians in the United States cannot imagine that being a Christian, being a disciple of the Lord, might put them in tension with the American with the mainstream American way of life. … Regardless of their political stance—whether they are left-wing or right-wing—they all face this issue. Both left-wing and right-wing Christians in the United States believe that the necessary condition for being a disciple of God in today’s American society is the pursuit of freedom.89 The above ideas clearly comes from Hauerwas’s commentary on Matthew 13.90 Wang believes the Chinese church faces the same problem of being trapped in the imagination of mainstream

  88. Stanley Hauerwas, Matthew (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2007).

  89. Wang, “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de.”

  90. Hauerwas, Matthew, 129-130. I am not sure if Hauerwas would be willing to be generally referred to as an “American pastor.” Considering his fierce criticism of “Americanism,” he might prefer to be known in the Eastern world as a “Methodist pastor.” However, context is important. He has also once written in his work: “I love America and I love being an American.” Stanley Hauerwas, War and the American Difference: Theological Reflections on Violence and National Identity (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2011), 19. Cited in Brian Brock and Stanley Hauerwas, Beginnings: Interrogating Hauerwas, ed. Kevin Hargaden (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 169. In his conversation with Brian Brock, Hauerwas was asked to elaborate on this statement. He replied that he did not want his opposition to the American ideology of war to deprive people of their appreciation of “the beauty of the American land” and “the generosity of the American people.” Ibid. However, compared to the answer society. Taking the American church as a lesson, Wang reminds the ERCC that when the church becomes increasingly mainstream through publicisation,91 it may be the beginning of spiritual decline, blocked by “worldly thoughts and wealth.”92 Persecution sometimes provides an environment and opportunity to live an alternative life. This is not a rejection of the vision of publicisation, but rather an echo of his contemplation on the essence of Reformation. Whether public or private, whether religious rights exist or not, the focus is not on the superficial propositional disputes, but on ensuring the form of life that gives the issues of publicisation proper meaning, namely, the martyrdom of discipleship. Therefore, it is fair to say that a Christian who supports the vision of publicisation mainly out of liberal concerns may be further removed from the meaning of publicisation pursued by the ERCC than a church that insists on private gatherings for reasons of martyrdom. 3.2. Reflecting Kuyperianism The postliberal perspective deepens our understanding of the problems inherent in the current mainstream Kuyperian interpretative framework for Wang’s theology. To be specific, Kuyperianism simultaneously incorporates features of propositionalism and experientialism. here, I find Hauerwas’s remarks on Christian patriotism in the same series of conversation more suggestive. There he said that “the way Christians committed to nonviolence as well as Christians not so committed can best serve this land called America is by refusing to be recruits for the furtherance of American ideals.” For him, the “United States” that must be vigorously opposed is “that abstraction called the United States.” The only way to overcome “the temptations to serve the (American-liberal) universal ideologies of the empire” and serve the beautiful land and people “is through the concrete relations that make our actual lives possible.” And for him, such relationships are exactly the “lives of the people who worship” in concrete local communities. Ibid., 96-97. Parenthesis added. These words better reflect his perceptive observation of the affinity between the universalist character of liberalism and the violent ethics of war, as well as his emphasis on the locality in which nonviolent life is rooted. As will be shown later in this chapter, Wang also has a strong focus on locality throughout his intellectual journey, which may be one of the important reasons why he has been attracted to Hauerwas’s position. In any case, I believe that the label of “American pastor” here would likely be welcomed by Hauerwas, as it reflects a particular Christian life resisting the ideology of “the land” within the specific context called “America” he lives.

  91. “The spirit of the Reformation means that the Church must become a non-mainstream mainstream and a non- political politics in modern culture.” Wang, Fuyin de zhengbian, 99. See also Chapter 4, sec. 4.3.

  92. Wang, “Nimen de erduo shi youfu de.” Being “blocked” obviously corresponds to the seed that fell among thorns in the parable. This further reinforces my earlier argument that when Wang speaks of the Church as good soil, he does not entirely equate it with the visible church community, but rather observes both believing and unbelieving characters coexisting within the lives of believers. This relates to the Lutheran account of the hiddenness of the true church, which will be further discussed in the next chapter. As outlined in the preceding chapter, it mainly defines Christianity as a worldview formed by a propositional system. This system posits God’s absolute sovereignty as its most fundamental principle, holding that by embracing it, humanity can ideally attain a correct and comprehensive understanding of itself, the church, society, politics, and every sphere of the world. However, on the other hand, Kuyper maintains that the process from God’s sovereignty to Christian propositions in other spheres relies on the inherent human capacity for perception and rational, formal reasoning—a capacity not destroyed by sin. Therefore, when referring to the organic unity of Christian principles, it represents a collaboration between propositionalism and experientialism. Moreover, as analysed in the previous chapter, experientialist elements constitute the true source of this organicity. The divergent attitudes among Chinese neo-Reformed Christians towards sinicisation actually reflect differing emphases on these two types of intellectual resources (propositional and experiential) within Kuyper’s system. On the one hand, both the traditional and urban intellectual house church movements within neo-Calvinism exhibit propositional tendencies. The former, however, regards dialogue with traditions that do not share the foundational proposition (Christ’s absolute sovereignty) as unproductive. The latter, inspired by Kuyperian teachings on Christianisation, adopts a polemical stance towards politics and society, seeking to implement the values of a Christian worldview across all social spheres. On the other hand, recent Chinese theological scholarship—particularly under the influence of Herman Bavinck’s theology—has highlighted experiential elements centred on the account of organicity.93 This approach seeks to advance a dialogue agenda with other religions (especially

  93. Represented by the Studies in Dutch Neo-Calvinism Series, a substantial body of research on Bavinck has been published in the Chinese world in recent years. Translations of Bavinck’s works include: Herman Bavinck, Gaige zong lunli xue 改革宗伦理学 [Reformed Ethics], ed. Xu Ximian, trans. Liu Bin et al. (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2020); Herman Bavinck, Heerman Bawenke de jiaomu shenxue 赫尔曼‧巴文克的教牧神学 [Herman Bavinck’s Pastoral Theology], ed. Xu Ximian, trans. Wei Feng, Niu Hong, Luo Zhen (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2021); Herman Bavinck, Jidujiao yu shijie guan 基督教与世界观 [Christendom Wereldbeschouwing], ed. Xu Ximian, trans. Zhu Juan Hao and Xu Ximian (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2022); and Herman Bavinck, Zongjiao kexue he shehui wenji 宗教、科学和社会文集 [Essays on Religion, Science and Society], trans. Liu Lunfei Confucianism) through a shared focus on common grace, without compromising the importance of the gospel mandate. Neither of the above approaches can satisfy the postliberal quest in Wang’s later theology. If Christian faith is primarily a cultural-linguistic reality endowed with a unique grammar, within which beliefs and propositions derive their meaning, then the expectations of Chinese theologians regarding the consensus achieved or achievable through interfaith dialogue appear overly optimistic. Such optimism risks underestimating the untranslatability and incommensurability inherent between two distinct religions, rooted in their distinct contexts and grammar. Take Xu Ximian’s proposal for dialogue between Bavinck and the New-Confucian Mou Zongsan as an example.94 He believes that as long as the Christian notion of God is appropriately and correctly distinguished from Kant’s, which is fiercely criticised by Mou, a “buffering place” can be created for Christianity, or at least for Bavinck’s neo-Calvinism, to engage in dialogue with Confucianism.95 The following will demonstrate that such optimistic assertions overlook the more fundamental conflict between Mou Zongsan and Christianity. By exposing the methodological crux of this conflict, we will see how Xu’s dialogue proposal instead reveals the critical importance of the postliberal approach’s observation regarding the incommensurability and untranslatability of language that arise between distinct cultural- linguistic contexts. (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2022). Translations of James Eglinton’s studies on Bavinck include: James Eglinton, Sanwei yiti he youji ti: Heerman Bawenke de youji zhuzhi xinshi 三位一体和有机体:赫尔曼‧巴文克的有机 主旨新释 [Trinity and Organism: Towards a New Reading of Herman Bavinck’s Organic Motif], trans. Xu Ximian (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2022); and James Eglinton, Heerman Bawenke shengping pingshu 赫尔曼‧ 巴文克生平评述 [Bavinck: A Critical Biography], trans. Dong Xiaohua and Xu Ximian (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2024). A Translated Collections of Essays on Bavinck, see, Xu Ximian, ed., Heerman Bawenke lun Helan xin Jiaerwen zhuyi 赫尔曼‧巴文克论荷兰新加尔文主义 [Herman Bavinck on Dutch Neo-Calvinism], trans. Shao Dawei (Edinburgh: Latreia Press, 2019).

  94. Xu Ximian, “The Dialogue between Herman Bavinck and Mou Zongsan on Human Nature and Its Quality,” Journal of Reformed Theology 11 (2017), 298-324.

  95. Ibid., 319. 3.3. A Hasty Reconciliation: The Dialogue between Neo-Calvinism and New Confucianism Xu places the focus of this dialogue on the mutual illumination between the Christian conception of the imago Dei and the Confucian conception of the immanentised heavenly decree within the human heart-mind. He argues that both of them are, firstly, “related to the being of humans,” and secondly, “concerned with morality.”96 And these “parallels” can provide “the breakthrough in the dialogical relationship.”97 They enable Chinese Christians to consider the imago Dei from the perspective of Confucian heavenly decree, and the latter can also benefit from the supplement and refinement provided by the former. To be more specific, ontologically, both the heavenly decree and the imago Dei pertain to human existence, but in distinct ways. For Mou, the transcendent, impersonal heavenly decree descends and is immanentised within humans, constituting human nature. For Bavinck, the true imago Dei is Christ within the Trinity; in creation, this image is communicated to humans, relating them to the transcendent imago Dei without absorbing it.98 He believes Bavinck’s account of the imago Dei offers a more concrete elaboration of the nature of this intrinsic moral basis for humanity than Mou’s impersonal heavenly decree.99 Moreover, the contradiction arising from the mutability of the human heart—stemming from “Mou’s moral ontology” which “makes the human being the basis of the being of everything”—and the immutability of “the ontic foundation of things” can also be overcome through the corrective supplementation of the imago Dei.100 Lastly, he argues that Mou’s account of heavenly decree is ontologically deficient because it regards the creative heavenly decree as identified with the moral nature of

  96. Ibid., 320.

  97. Ibid., 319-320.

  98. “[A]lthough Mou employs the notion of the heavenly decree to expound human nature, his definition is rather vague. … [I]t is explicit that he refrains from expounding the essence of this standard.” Ibid., 320.

  99. Ibid., 321. human beings,101 which leads to a tendency to reduce ontology to or subordinate it to ethics.102 This is problematic for Xu because “‘being’ is not merely qualified by the languages of ethics.”103 He contends that human beings can be defined by terms beyond “moral”, such as “spiritual” beings. Consequently, beings must constitute a broader foundation, while morality ought to be understood merely as reflecting certain aspects of their character and attributes. He suggests that Bavinck’s imago Dei, therefore, offers a better option that encompasses both moral and ontic dimensions.104 Xu’s dialogue proposal shows two significant problems. Firstly, while Bavinck and Kant’s conceptions of God are certainly distinct, this distinction does not, as Xu contends, constitute a buffering place for dialogue with Confucianism. In Mou’s view, Western philosophy, influenced by Plato and Christianity, has long prioritised knowledge and objectivity over morality and subjectivity, thereby determining the heteronomous character of Western ethics.105 Kant’s ethics of autonomy, which transformed God from the original legislator and giver of moral law into merely one of the postulates ensuring the consistency of virtue and happiness, already represented a major breakthrough in Western philosophy, moving in the right direction. This created an important opportunity for connection with China’s more developed moral doctrines. Thus, it may be argued that reinstating the Christian doctrine of the

  100. One of the most prominent manifestations of Mou’s account of “moral creation” lies in his interpretation of Daoist ontology. He interpreted “wu” (无 nothing), the key concept in Daoist theory of the generation of all things, as a moral vision attained by the sage. He thus characterised the Daoist ontological theory as a form of “metaphysics in the line of vision,” (境界型态的形上学 jingjie xingtai de xingshang xue) contrasting it with the Western tradition of “metaphysics in the line of being.” (实有型态的形上学 shiyou xingtai de xingshang xue) Mou Zongsan, Zhongguo zhexue shijiu jiang 中国哲学十九讲 [Nineteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), 69-81. See also, Mou Zongsan, Caixing yu xuanli 才性与玄理 [Physical Nature and Speculative Reason] (Taipei: Linking Publishing Company), 2003, 140-145.

  101. Xu, “The Dialogue between Herman Bavinck and Mou Zongsan on Human Nature and Its Quality,” 321.

  102. Ibid.

  103. Ibid.

  104. “The door to subjectivity has always remained closed in the West, both in the Greek tradition and in the Christian tradition, because Christianity detests subjectivity and emphasises objectivity, affirming a transcendent and objective God. In contrast, Eastern culture places great emphasis on subjectivity.” Mou, Zhongguo zhexue shijiu jiang, 337. Triune God not only fails to create a buffering place but actually exacerbates the conflict between the two traditions, for Kant precisely functions as a mediator between Eastern and Western religion and philosophy within Mou’s system.106 More significantly, the second problem is that Xu fails to recognise a fundamental and sharp methodological divergence between himself and Mou on ontological matters. While demonstrating Christianity’s complementary role, even though Xu has grasped how Dutch neo- Calvinism’s account of organicity affirms the organic and dynamic character of Christian principles, 107 his ontological argument relies on a widely presupposed framework of traditional Western metaphysics—specifically, a view that understands substance as a container bearing a thing’s attributes, and as more fundamental and prior than the latter in defining what an individual thing is. This point reveals the profound methodological divergence between Bavinck and Mou. At the heart of Mou’s criticism of the Christian conception of God is a direct challenge to this presupposition of the Western ontological tradition. Mou’s methodology in comparing religions and philosophies is that of “panjiao” (判教 classifying teaching) and “yuanjiao” (圆教 perfect teachings).108 The term “panjiao” originates from Buddhism, referring to the internal classification system used to categorise the various schools that inherit the Buddha’s teachings. While the criteria differ between schools, each fundamentally positions its unique teachings or scriptures at the highest tier of this system. Mou primarily references the Tiantai school’s classification system, which designates “yuanjiao” as the supreme tier. Xu also refers to Mou’s elaborations on these two concepts in his proposal for the dialogue. He correctly discerns their significance within Mou’s theory of Gongfu (工夫

  105. “Christianity has never developed the discipline of solitary self-cultivation, and thus cannot claim that we may become like Jesus through moral practice. Within Western philosophy, … it was Kant who established the concept of the subject. Therefore, when we now discuss Confucian scholarship and seek to connect it with Western philosophy, the only point of contact lies with Kantian philosophy.” Ibid., 339.

  106. See Chapter 4, sec. 1.2.

  107. The English translations here correspond to those in Xu, “The Dialogue between Herman Bavinck and Mou Zongsan on Human Nature and Its Quality.” moral discipline), including how they “enlighten human reason” to attain “yuanshan” (圆善 the perfect good). 109 His argument, however, fails to describe the more fundamental methodological status of these concepts within Mou’s entire system. Mou’s moral ontology posits the creative heavenly decree as identical with the moral nature of human beings. This theoretically conferred a primacy of practical reason over theoretical reason. However, the twentieth-century Chinese cultural context confronting Mou should not be overlooked. His formative years coincided precisely with the May Fourth and post-May Fourth movements, a period marked by heightened consciousness of the pursuit of modernisation in China. Later, following the Chinese Civil War, with the Kuomintang regime relocating to Taiwan, the New Confucianism that developed in the liberal and democratic societies110 assumed a dual responsibility: to revitalise Confucianism as the representative of Chinese culture, while simultaneously integrating modern values such as science and democracy into its orthodox discourse. His panjiao system forms an essential part of this endeavour, wherein the perfect teaching occupies the highest position. He argues that the concept of the perfect teaching is absent in the West, as Western notions of perfection, influenced by Platonism, tend to attribute “the perfect” to the object towards which the teaching points—such as the Platonic idea or God—rather than to the teaching itself. Mou further claims: “Any system expressed through language and text cannot be perfect teaching, for all doctrines are contradictory and divergent. Christianity has its own system, Islam has another; since each has its own system, none can be perfect teaching.”111 His judgement is in fact grounded upon the Confucian premise of humanity’s universal moral nature, or what is regarded as the Buddhist concept of “all sentient beings possessing Buddha-

  108. Ibid., 304-305.

  109. Of course, the liberal democracy here is in comparison to Communist China. Following the Kuomintang regime’s relocation to Taiwan, the island remained under martial law until its formal lifting in 1987.

  110. Mou, Zhongguo zhexue shijiu jiang, 248. nature.” Such teachings maintain that the basis for the perfection of human nature is internalised, and that various religions, doctrines, and schools aim to guide individuals through practice to realise this inherent nature. In this sense, Mou also affirms the efficacy of Christian teaching, but because it is essentially a form of “belief dependent upon others” (依他之信 yita zhixin),112 it fails to recognise that God is also the external manifestation of the infinite free mind of human beings. This renders Christian teaching capable of occupying only the “lijiao” (离教 partial teaching) level, inferior to the perfect teaching.113 Moreover, Mou also critiques the entire tradition of Western philosophy through his panjiao system, arguing that since Plato, it has been excessively focused on the dimensions of knowledge, objectification, and pure reason. This is why, in his view, Kant represents the peak of Western philosophy. Kant’s emphasis on practical reason marked a crucial turning point in Western philosophy, paving the way for the subsequent German idealists’ preoccupation with subjectivity. However, he contends that the Western inheritance and development of Kantian philosophy are fraught with problems. And the fundamental reason lies in Kant’s attribution of intellectual intuition to God alone, which obstructs Westerners from recognising that the ontological basis of metaphysics and the origin of moral consciousness within the human heart are one and the same.114 Therefore, although Kant provided the impetus for shifting focus towards moral subjectivity, Mou criticises German idealism as having “developed poorly, particularly Hegel, who often provokes aversion.”115 He argues that for Western philosophy to

  111. Mou Zongsan, Shengming de xuewen 生命的学问 [The Learning of Life], 7th ed. (Taipei: San Min Book, 1994), 107.

  112. “God manifests His efficacy only when He becomes internalised as the infinite mind that constitutes our very being, or when the infinite mind is God Himself. … In this sense, the incarnation of Jesus … represents one mode of manifestation … possessing value in enabling us to recognise the objective existence of an infinite Being. … But mere contemplation suffices not; the infinite Being, existing objectively alone, remains of no use. This is what I call lijiao.” Mou Zongsan, Xianxiang yu wu zishen 现象与物自身 [Phenomenon and Thing-in-Itself] (Taipei: Linking Publishing Company, 2003), 469.

  113. Mou, Zhongguo zhexue shijiu jiang.

  114. Ibid., 339. adoption by an era’s thinkers—derive not from pure theoretical certainty, but rather from the broader context of life, practice, and culture. For instance, the context forged by the two world wars significantly influenced what modes of expression Western philosophy tended to accept as meaningful, what was readily regarded as valid, or what criteria should be prioritised, and fostered the dominant position of existentialism and phenomenology in critiquing the essentialism of traditional metaphysics. The concern for the cultural-linguistic context significantly constitutes what Lindbeck termed the untranslatability and incommensurability between traditions. They cannot be bridged by identifying commonalities in higher-order rational elements, such as overlapping propositions, concepts, or symbols. Rather, it depends on the practical context of the tradition in question. This is precisely why, when outlining Mou’s panjiao system, I deliberately situated it within the background of modern Chinese intellectuals’ pursuit of modernisation and the Chinese Civil War. Only thus can the foundational concerns underpinning Mou’s entire philosophical enterprise be truly revealed.117 The entire construction of his moral ontology centres on the nationalist mission articulated in “A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of Sinology and Reconstruction of Chinese Culture,” co- authored with other New-Confucian scholars.118 This manifesto unreservedly signified the enduring passionate nationalistic consciousness of Chinese scholars in that era, stemming from the Confucian scholar-official tradition, and became the common ground on which different authoritative Confucian scholars collectively engage in the endeavour known as “New Confucianism.” The notion that the New-Confucian panjiao system is primarily a theoretical

  115. I believe this interpretative approach shares considerable common ground with Hauerwas’s interpretation of Barth in his 2001 Gifford Lectures. The lectures focus mainly not on Barth’s “system,” “position,” or “method,” but rather on the “cultural challenge” confronting Christians within the context of Germany during the First World War and the Nazi era. The very way in which Barth did theology thus becomes the essential lens for understanding Barth’s witness in that situation. See Stanley Hauerwas, With the Grain of the Universe: The Church’s Witness and Natural Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2001), 141-171.

  116. Carsun Chang et al., “A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of Sinology and Reconstruction of Chinese Culture.” The Development of Neo-Confucian Thought 2 (1958), 455-483. construct, which then serves as a rational criterion for evaluating the value and relative standing of various comprehensive doctrines, thereby revealing Confucianism’s superiority, is unrealistic. On the contrary, it represents a crisis theology, embodying a paradigm shift when the alliance of shared destiny between Confucianism and the Chinese Celestial Empire, as a longstanding form of “normal science,” encountered “anomalies” (modern Western colonial powers).119 This shift aimed to reposition Confucianism and Chinese culture in a superior position within the modern liberal universalist order.120 Consequently, Mou’s discourses on panjiao frequently conclude with earnest exhortations for the Chinese intellectual sphere to return to a Confucian subjectivity approach.121 It follows that, when considering the differences in cultural practices that determine the meaning of religious theories and propositions, if religious dialogue is not merely an attempt

  117. See Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962). Although Hauerwas, in responding to Gustafson’s accusation of tribalism, mentions that he avoids “all appeals to a Kuhnian-like position (with which Kuhn may unfairly be identified) designed to protect theological convictions from possible scientific challenge,” I find that his point is not so much to disagree with Kuhn’s theory of paradigm shifts itself, but rather with its erroneous extension and application to ensure the isolation and unchallenged status of various scientific traditions. In particular, after writing this sentence, he immediately goes on to question what kind of science Gustafson wishes to employ as the measure for revising theological convictions. He observes that “[t]he history of modern theology is littered with the wrecks of such revision undertaken on the basis of a science that no longer commands any credibility,” which leads him to harbour greater reservations about assigning “to science qua science an overriding veridical status.” This hints at the influence of Kuhn’s theory of paradigm shift upon him, though he refrained from directly citing such sources precisely to avoid misleading readers into thinking he sought to “protect theology or Christians from such challenges” of sciences. Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today, 9. Parenthesis added.

  118. Mou’s proposal of the “new outer kingliness” thus becomes the parting agent that rescues Confucian moral doctrine from its symbiotic relationship with the precarious traditional monarchical political system, and links it to democratic politics. Discussions on this topic are primarily found in Mou Zongsan, Zhengdao yu zhidao 政道 与治道 [The Way of Politics and the Way of Governance] (Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1961). In distinction, at the dawn of the 21st century, as China rose to become the world’s second-largest economic, military and political entity capable of challenging the Western liberal democratic camp led by the United States, Confucianism in mainland China began to develop along a different trajectory. The political Confucianism that has gradually gained prominence in mainland China seeks to restore the ideal of the virtuous rule of the monarch from the traditional outer kingliness, albeit by re-embedding it within the modern Chinese Communist Party bureaucratic system, viewing this system as the appropriate arena for selecting capable and virtuous leaders. See, for example, Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015). This divergence, in my view, largely validates the postliberal perspective that cultural practice precedes theoretical construction.

  119. See, for example, Mou Zongsan, Zongguo zhexue shijiu jiang, 346-347; “Fulu: zhexue zhihui yu Zhongguo zhexue de weilai” 附录:哲学智慧与中国哲学的未来 [Appendix: Philosophical Wisdom and The Future of Chinese Philosophy], in Zhongguo zhexue de tezhi 中国哲学的特质 [The Characteristics of Chinese Philosophy], ed. Luo Yijun (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), 190-192. by one religion to abstractly borrow conceptual resources from others for its own inspiration (a mode of inspiration that may appear highly problematic to the borrowed religion), but rather aims at genuine collision, mutual understanding, and collaborative exploration of pathways between traditions, then the Christian sinicisation agenda centred on academic thoughts appears excessively simplistic and optimistic. In such courses of dialogue and reconciliation, the communal practices constituting the entire Christian grammar—such as worship and the sacraments—have been marginalised. As Marshall, quoted and endorsed by Hauerwas, states: “The gospel of which the world is supposed to be convinced by the church’s unity … implies the existence of this visible eucharistic community … in space and time.”122 These stones discarded by academic craftsmen are treasured by postliberal theologians as the headstones for genuine ecumenicity, and also as the key for Christians to break through humanity’s self- enclosure and truly reach out to others. 3.4. Beyond Communitarianism: Seeking the Pentecostal Locality So, what is the determining context that shapes the meanings of Wang’s propositions and terms? The first three chapters of this thesis have already made this clear. Although Wang’s intellectual journey underwent numerous pivotal shifts, he consistently maintained a sharp vigilance towards the cultural imagination centred on Confucian scholar-official tradition and the nationalist reverence it embodies. “Localism” was proposed by Wang even before his conversion as an alternative concept to resist the homogenising political imagination in China and its inherent tendency toward centralisation. It was also regarded as possessing the potential to propel a constitutionalist transformation.123 However, during this period, his understanding

  120. Bruce Marshall, “The Disunity of the Church and the Credibility of the Gospel,” Theology Today 50/1 (April 1993), 82. Cited in Hauerwas, With the Grain of the Universe, 217n26.

  121. “The rise of localism, under conditions of constitutional inadequacy, serves to dissolve, counterbalance, and in a sense, act as a ‘preliminary constitutionalism’ against the centralised system.” Wang Yi, Xianzheng zhuyi: Guannian yu zhidu de zhuanlie 宪政主义:观念与制度的转捩 [Constitutionalism: The Turning Point of Ideas and Institutions] (Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 2006), 176. of locality remained entangled with his earlier individualistic convictions. Consequently, this comprehension, much like his poetry, found itself trapped within a paradox: a yearning for genuine connection with others coexisted with a self-protective individualism that fostered deep wariness towards authentic engagements. This internal conflict perpetuated a paralysis, preventing him from transcending self-enclosedness.124 Therefore, his transition from lamentation to praising hymn also signifies his renunciation of seeking the sources of locality within the inner self, instead looking upward toward the grammar bestowed that connects one with the other.125 This profound shift in aesthetic sensibility exerted a slow yet steadily progressive influence upon his political theology. Its impact was first manifested in his abandonment of the alliance between the Christian worldview and Lockean liberalism, prompting him instead to embrace a communitarian conception of selfhood that emphasised the constitutive role of significant others in shaping identity. This signified that he no longer anchored his resistance to the Chinese scholar-official tradition and the “Tianxia” worldview primarily in atomised individuals. Instead, he anchored

  122. This predicament is reflected in his early ambiguous interpretations of the relationship between individualism and localism. At times he affirmed that localism actually represented an extension of individualism; for instance, in one lecture he declared: “Localism is individualism on an expanded scale.” The rise of localism was seen as echoing the emergence of individual consciousness, both themes having long been suppressed within Chinese tradition. Wang Yi, “Difang zhuyi yu Zhongguo de xianzheng zhuanxing” 地方主义与中国的宪政转型 [Localism and the Constitutional Transformation in China], Duli zhongwen bihui 独立中文笔会 [Independent Chinese PEN Center], 12 August, 2016. https://www.chinesepen.org/blog/archives/56217. The lecture was originally delivered in 2006. In another article, however, he characterises localism as “a middle ground between individualism and statism”. That is to say, individualism and statism appear to constitute the two extremes of a spectrum, while localism is described as a “middle way” that avoids both the anarchic consequences of individualism and the centralised tendencies of statism. Wang Yi, “Da tusha yu wailai zhengquan: Chengdu da tusha 360 zhounian ji” 大屠杀与外来政权:成都大屠杀360周年祭 [The Holocaust and Foreign Regimes: Commemorating the 360th Anniversary of the Chengdu Massacre], in Meide jingdong le zhongyang 美得惊动 了中央 [So Beautiful that the Centre Is Startled] (Self-published, 2004), 241-247. This description clearly diverges from the earlier characterisation of localism as an extension of individualism; otherwise, nationalism could similarly be described as a further “extension” of the two, much like localism is to individualism. It is difficult to imagine Wang endorsing such a view. Just as he could not distinguish in his aesthetic experience whether poetry was lovemaking with the infinite or mere masturbation, he remained utterly uncertain during this period about how the individual might possibly reach the other. This also meant he could not offer a convincing explanation—either to others or to himself—of how the individual might transcend the self-enclosedness to reach others and form a genuine local community.

  123. See Chapter 2, sec. 3.1. it in the pursuit of an intersubjective community centred on Scripture and worship. In the shared act of reading and contemplating God’s word, this community is endowed with an alien grammar capable of piercing the boundaries of self-protection, living out an authentic communal form of life within the intersubjectivity it fosters. Subsequently, this focus on authentic communal life led him, like many communitarians, to side with the good in the contemporary ethical debate over the primacy of right versus good. In the preface to the second edition of his influential thesis Liberalism and the Limits of Justice,126 the communitarian Michael Sandel clarifies the meaning of his assertion regarding the priority of the good in response to his critics. Far from allowing the demands of the communal good to override the protection of individual rights, he affirms that some “rights are so important” to the degree that “even the general welfare cannot override them.”127 Rather, it challenges the notion that one can understand rights independently of discussions about the related goods and ends to which the rights in question are tied, such as through the procedural thought experiments in Rawls’s theory of justice, which serve as the primary target of critique in Sandel’s thesis.128 In short, such a communitarian approach contends that the widely presupposed competition between “the good and the right” within contemporary political philosophy, along with the associated conflict between “community values and individual freedom,” is misleading. Such competitive frameworks distort the inherently interdependent relationship between these two concepts. However, the good is indeed affirmed as taking priority over the right in a specific sense: when confronting issues related to rights, one must contemplate the end (good) that right serves in order to truly grasp its legitimacy and the significance of its status as a “right.” Given that our conception of goods is essentially shaped

  124. Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice, ix-xvi.

  125. Ibid., x.

  126. Ibid., x-xi. within communal life, Sandel affirms that the individual’s self-identity as the subject of rights is profoundly embedded within the community. We have already noted how Wang’s increasingly profound reflection on spontaneous order has led him to adopt a communitarian conception of the self.129 Like Hauerwas, however, he has taken the communitarian insights to a further theological horizon.130 Firstly, although he shares with communitarians the prioritisation of the good, he does not merely focus, as the latter do, on citizens’ discussions of the ends that particular rights serve. Instead, he offers a theological interpretation of “rights” themselves as possessing a common purpose. He suggests: “The gospel preserves human rights in the sense of survival while simultaneously subverting them in the spiritual sense—this is the higher mission of conscience and freedom upheld by the church.”131 The paradox of rights lies precisely in the fact that, much like Christians who gain life by sacrificing it through following Christ, their higher purpose “is to be relinquished.”132 This leads the meaning of the freedom of conscience beyond safeguarding civil liberties of speech and religion, pointing instead to “the freedom of a Christian” Luther characterised as embodied in two seemingly contradictory propositions: “A Christian is a perfectly free lord of all, subject to none,” and “A Christian is a perfectly dutiful servant of all, subject to all.”133 Secondly, he is not satisfied with the perfectionist political proposals put

  127. See Chapter 4, sec. 3.3.

  128. Hauerwas commends Michael Quirk’s observation regarding his relationship with communitarianism. Quirk notes that while Hauerwas inspired by communitarians’ resources, he ultimately parted ways with them. The crux lies in Hauerwas’s insistence on the alienness of the church, which ultimately prevented him from endorsing the communitarians’ agenda of “civil republicanism.” Hauerwas further clarifies that his position is not an “indiscriminate rejection of the secular order,” but rather that Christians must “withdraw their support” only when this republicanism “resorts to violence” to maintain its own stability and order. Hauerwas, Christian Existence Today, 14-15.

  129. Wang Yi, “Rihui lu” 日悔录 [Daily Confessions], in Dasheng de moxiang 大声的默想 [Contemplation Loudly] (Hong Kong: Covenant Publishing Limited, 2017), 196.

  130. Wang Yi, “Meng yu zhenxiang: Aiqing pian” 梦与真相:爱情篇 [Dreams and Truth: The Chapter of Love], Wang Yi wenku, 1 May 2014. https://www.wangyilibrary.com/post/sermon-228046; and “Xuxin de ren youfu le (Tai 5:1-12)” 虚心的人有福了(太5:1-12)[Blessed Are the Poor in Spirit (Matthew 5:1-12)], Wang Yi wenku, 7 August 2016. https://www.wangyilibrary.com/post/xu-xin-de-ren-you-fu-le.

  131. LW 31, 344. forward by communitarians, nor does he justify the significance of the Christian community through an agenda of virtue cultivation aimed at promoting social solidarity. Lastly, he refuses to ground the hope for a genuine intersubjective community in the Aristotelian notion of the inherent political nature of human beings, on which communitarians widely rely.134 Just as in the aesthetic experience, he ultimately discerns that the hope for breaking through the self-enclosedness lies not in the words themselves, but in the grammar that has been externally given. Only when a genuine community, as the one of Pentecost mentioned in Hauerwas’s sermon, arrives, can people step out of the power struggles of self-protection and mutual damage, and truly become the political. I consider it reasonable to attribute Wang’s orientation to the resonance between the martyrdom tradition of Chinese house churches and Hauerwas’s postliberal ecclesiology. This allows him, like Hauerwas, to adopt an apocalyptic perspective guiding the pursuit of locality, maintaining critical engagement with the normative political imagination of Western liberalism while resisting the imperial polity of Eastern virtue- based monarchs. In the next chapter, we further explore the significance of this apocalyptic eschatology for Wang and the ERCC’s faithful disobedience. It is worth mentioning in advance that we will continue the dialogue between Wang and Hauerwasianism within the context of disobedience movements in the East Asian Chinese social context in order to reveal the tensions between the two. The issue of narrative theology, which was set aside in this chapter, will also be addressed. Finally, drawing upon resources from Lutheran theology, I will point to a promising direction for the future development of Wang’s theology.

  132. See, for example, Charles Taylor, “Atomism,” in Philosophy and the Human Sciences: Philosophical Papers 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 189; and Alasdair MacIntyre, “Four – or More? – Political Aristotle,” in Virtue Ethics and Contemporary Aristotelianism: Modernity, Conflict and Politics, ed. Andrius Bielskis et al. (London: Bloomsbury, 2020), 11-24.