第七章 辨明三个产业，奋勇前行

Footnotes

1. De civ. Dei 19.17. ↩

2. Of course, this distinction may be too simplistic to reveal the crucial differences among Augustinians within the same camp. For a more detail and careful analysis on different positions within these two camps, see Eric Gregory, Politics and the Order of Love: An Augustinian Ethic of Democratic Citizenship (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 75-148. ↩

3. See Chapter 5, sec. 3.4. “surrender too much to the government.”4 Education constituted a significant portion of this process of surrender, and it catastrophically resulted in the church “handing over the birthright to Hitler.”5 However, Wang did not entirely discard the “tainted legacy” bequeathed by Luther, but rather advocated a revision under the framework of Reformed “covenant theology.” This concern led to substantial overlap between Wang’s educational theory and Abraham Kuyper’s critique of state schools, advocacy for parental rights, and support for free schools.6 Wang reintegrated the doctrine of the two kingdoms into the neo-Calvinist worldview of one kingdom, centred on God’s absolute sovereignty as the apex principle, positioning the state and the church as “distinct departments entrusted with spiritual and temporal authority.”7 A radical consequence of this approach is that state education is regarded as an infringement. Wang claims: The essence of state education is communism applied to children, asserting that children are the public property of the state. The state demands equal sharing with parents in the spoils of children’s minds, beliefs, and souls, advocating communal ownership of sons and daughters. This negates the family as the first government established by God and ↩

4. Wang Yi,“Shengyue yu jidujiao jiaoyu zhiyi: jiu yue chuan tong yu ji du jiao jiao yu (shang)” 圣约与基督 教教育之一：旧约传统与基督教教育（上） [Covenant and Christian Education (Part One): The Old Testament Tradition and Christian Education (Part One)], in Wang Yi et al., Jidujiao gudian jiaoyu 基督教古典教育 [Christian Classical Education], 2nd Rev. ed. (Chengdu: Western China Covenant College, 2018), 67. ↩

5. Ibid. On how Luther’s theological resources were used by the German church during the Nazi era to support Hitler’s regime, see William Lazareth, Christians in Society: Luther, the Bible and Social Ethics (Minneapolis, MI: Fortress Press, 2001), 7-10. ↩

6. See Abraham Kuyper, On Education, eds. Jordan J. Ballor and Melvin Flikkema (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2019). ↩ ↩²

7. Wang Yi, “Shengyue yu jidujiao jiaoyu zhisi: Lude yu jidujiao jiaoyu” 圣约与基督教教育之四：路德与基督 教教育 [Covenant and Christian Education (Part One): Luther and Christian Education], in Wang Yi et al., Jidujiao gudian jiaoyu, 118. deprives parents of their guardianship over their children’s souls. Thus, the motive and consequence of compulsory state education is to transform the state itself into a religion.8 Given the current patriotic education system in mainland China, it is understandable why Wang holds such a strong opposition to state education. Furthermore, viewed through the lens of his rejection of the Chinese scholar-official tradition, his educational resistance also reflects his keen observation of the complicit relationship between scholars and rulers throughout Chinese history.9 This leads him to assert that “all education is religious in nature; this is the essence of education. All education is thus; there exists no neutrality in religion or values.”10 Consequently, under the neo-Calvinist principle of sphere sovereignty, education is categorised as a religious matter, and the state is not allowed to interfere.11 His stance is even more radical than Kuyper’s, in that he rejects any government financial support for education and restricts the state’s role entirely to the passive function of protecting religious freedom.12 This neo-Calvinist theoretical framework had taken shape by 2011 when the ERCC began establishing Christian schools. The revisions to neo-Calvinism in Wang’s later theology are less noticeable in the field of education. When martyrdom-oriented concerns had gradually renewed Wang’s discourse on the pursuit of civil society, his educational theory nevertheless retained the conceptual framework of earlier rights-defence advocacy. In his 2011 revised interpretation of Romans 13, Wang elucidated the Reformed theological contribution to ↩ ↩²

8. Wang Yi, “Moxiang gongli jiaoyu” 默想公立教育 [Contemplation on State Education], in Endian wei wang: Qianbei de fankang zhe 恩典为王：谦卑的反抗者 [Grace Reigns: The Humble Resister] (2020), 152. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1mRtGDk46DgwREjEzudEmJuCMH2DioSxo/view. ↩

9. See Chapter 1, sec. 2.1. ↩

10. Wang Yi, “Qianyan” 前言 [Preface], in Wang Yi et al., Jidujiao gudian jiaoyu, n.p. ↩

11. Wang even enumerates the modern “apostolic succession” of national education, including figures such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Dewey. Ibid. From the anti-scholar official perspective that I have proposed, this genealogy in Wang’s mind might extend back to ancient China, tracing its roots to Confucius and even the ancient moral sage-kings. ↩

12. Wang Yi, “Shengyue yu jidujiao jiaoyu zhiwu: Jiaerwen yu jidujiao jiaoyu” 圣约与基督教教育之五：加尔 文与基督教教育 [Covenant and Christian Education (Part Five): Calvin and Christian Education], in Wang Yi et al., Jidujiao gudian jiaoyu, 131. revising Luther’s theory of the two kingdoms.13 This revision is regarded as a crucial element reflecting the transition in the view of church-state relations from “zhengjiao fēnlí” towards “fēnlì.”14 However, when this two-kingdoms framework is applied to educational issues, the martyrdom elements that had already begun to emerge in the article are almost entirely absent. Instead, it is consistently interpreted through a “rights-defence” grammar that aligns more closely with its earlier conservative ideological underpinnings. To put it into perspective, one might ask whether, if non-Christian public education is inherently a form of pagan worship, the political campaign initiated by non-Christian June Fourth democracy activists and the Republic shortly established in Tiananmen Square were not themselves imbued with the secular liberalism of pagan worship? What distinction exists between exalting Liu Xiaobo and venerating Xi Jinping? Why can the church commemorate and embrace the June Fourth while resolutely drawing a line with the communist regime? Moreover, if the church, based on the way of discipleship revealed in the previous chapter, can walk alongside political martyrs for the reaffirmation of religion as cry, why can’t this reaffirmation leave room for imagining an educational system no longer marked by the stark divide between Christians and non-Christians? If the church must erect a bastion of its own values against secular society precisely because of the religious nature of education, does not such an endeavour merely reinforce the very implication of a “spiritual-worldly dichotomy” ↩

13. Wang Yi, “Luomashu 13 zhang yu zhengjiao fēnlì” 《罗马书》13 章与政教分立 [Romans 13 and the Separation of Church and State], in Linghun shenchu nao ziyou 灵魂深处闹自由 [Revolution in the Depth of Soul] (Taipei: Christian Arts Press, 2012), 249-267. ↩

14. “The political separation of secular and spiritual authority is a concept derived almost exclusively from the Christian tradition.... In Augustine’s City of God and Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms during the Reformation, the relevant biblical teachings and their historical application gradually became clarified. Subsequently, within Calvinist and Reformed theology, under the worldview of covenantal history and the kingdom of Christ, the theological foundations for ‘zhengjiao fēnlì’ were laid with great foresight. Following this, through the Puritan movement, a passive and secular theory of state separation gradually took shape in nations such as the U.K. and America.” For our discussion on the significance of Wang’s shift to the fēnlì model and how it broke through his earlier Kuyperian theoretical framework, see Chapter 4, sec.4.2-4.3. that Wang sought to avoid—the much-criticised implication of Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms? To sum up, the neo-Calvinist framework of sphere sovereignty is not conducive to reflecting Wang’s insistence that the gospel constitutes a faithful form of life more fundamental than theoretical propositions or experiential expressions. As Chapters 4 and 5 of this thesis have demonstrated, the church’s “public” nature within this framework is not grounded in a form of life centred on worship that directly encompasses the political and social dimensions. Instead, it exhibits a strong tendency to revert to natural law as a translational intermediary between religious and secular discourse, and to seek propositional or experiential overlaps.15 As the following section will demonstrate, Wang’s (mis)understanding of Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms largely accounts for the stagnation of his educational theory. Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms was perceived by him as entailing the concept of the separation of church and state. This explains why he resorted to the neo-Calvinist sphere sovereignty doctrine to re- energise the church’s public influence. Even though Wang’s later public theology demonstrably transcended this outdated framework in other respects, his educational theory clearly lagged behind his more mature theological discourse. This may have stemmed from pragmatic considerations under Xi Jinping’s increasingly stringent educational controls, or from his having lacked the opportunity to systematically revise his educational theory before his arrest. Therefore, I contend that for Wang and the ERCC’s current educational theory to advance alongside other breakthroughs on their way of faithful disobedience, it must revise the existing neo-Calvinist framework by more fully embracing the Lutheran theological approach Wang uncovered in Fuyin de zhengbian.16 For this reason, the following sections will draw upon ↩

15. See Chapter 5, sec. 3.2. ↩

16. Wang Yi, Fuyin de zhengbian: Zongjiao gaige chensi lu 福音的政变：宗教改革沉思录 [The Gospel Revolt: Meditation of Protestant Reformation] (Hong Kong: Covenant Publishing Limited, 2017). For our discussion on the importance of this book for understanding Wang’s later thought, see Chapter 4, sec. 4.2. recent scholarship concerning Luther’s doctrines of the “two” and the “three estates” to refute criticisms regarding the implication of a “divine-worldly dichotomy.” It will demonstrate that a precise understanding of Luther’s theory inherently encompasses a vision for “the state and the church under the one reign of God.” Once this point is clarified, Wang need not resort to neo-Calvinist resources to bolster the church’s political relevance. This avoids the temptation to reduce the ERCC’s faithful disobedience and exploratory creativity back to rightist political ideology, which is now ossified among his former conservative allies.17 1.2. Revisiting Martin Luther’s Doctrines of the “Two” and “Three Estates” In his careful examination of Luther’s doctrine of the “two,” Michael Laffin perceptively cautions readers against conflating Luther’s use of the “two kingdoms” with his notion of the “two regiments.”18 He points out that Luther’s doctrine of two kingdoms mainly stems from his 1523 treatise “Temporal Authority: To What Extent It Should Be Obeyed.”19 In this text, “Luther speaks variously of ‘the kingdom of God’ (reich Gottis), ‘the kingdom of the world’ (reich der welt), and of God’s ‘two governments’ (regiments), one ‘spiritual’ (geistliche), the other ‘temporal’ (weltliche).”20 According to Laffin, the distinction between the two kingdoms refers to “an eschatological dualism” between Christians and non-Christians,” whereas the distinction between the two regiments “refers to the one rule of God over His kingdom in a twofold manner over and against the kingdom of the devil.”21 Luther’s teaching on the two kingdoms never actually corresponded directly to the relationship between church and state. ↩

17. For a profound analysis of how Wang Zhiyong and Yu Jie, fellow neo-Calvinist conservatives of Wang Yi, ultimately developed a Reformed theology that converged into a pro-MAGA and pro-Trump political theology, see Bai Yucheng, “American City on a Chinese Hill: American Fundamentalism in Contemporary Chinese Christianity,” PhD diss. (Duke University, 2025). Regrettably, this dissertation reads Wang Yi within the same framework, thereby overlooking the important breakthrough in his later theology. ↩

18. Michael Laffin, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology: Freeing Luther from the Modern Political Narrative (London: Bloomsbury T & T Clark, 2016), 108. ↩

19. Martin Luther, “Temporal Authority: To What Extent It Should Be Obeyed (1523), LW 45: 75-129. ↩

20. Laffin, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology, 107. ↩

21. Ibid., 109. He did not affirm an “external ‘worldly’ realm ruled by its own law that stands in autonomous independence of the inward and “spiritual” realm occupied by the church and its rule by the Gospel.” 22 By contrast, the two regiments designate the “twofold manner” of God’s governance exercised “over and against the kingdom of evil.”23 Within this framework, the sword-bearing authority of worldly government (regiment) is affirmed as “an ordinance of God, established and preserved by God’s ongoing activity.”24 So far, we can see that Wang’s concerns about Luther’s doctrine of the two kingdoms reflect a widespread misunderstanding of this long-standing doctrine. By clarifying the distinction between Luther’s uses of the terms “two kingdoms” and “two regiments” and their meanings, it becomes apparent that the objective Wang sought to achieve by drawing upon Reformed resources, that is, bringing both spiritual and temporal authorities under God’s one rule, has already been implicit in a more precise understanding of Luther’s doctrine of the “two.” 1.3. From the Two Regiments to the Three Estates Although Luther’s doctrine of the two regiments affirms the importance of politics as an ordinance of God, it is primarily understood as having a passive function: maintaining peace by punishing the wicked and protecting the upright. This underscores the doctrine’s limitations and is not conducive to presenting the full landscape of Luther’s political theology. A more complete perspective requires the supplement of Luther’s doctrine of the three estates to discern the status of the estates of politia as God’s “positive arrangement” rooted “in the paradise” rather than in the post-fallen world.25 ↩

22. Ibid., 106-107. ↩

23. Ibid., 109. ↩

24. Ibid. ↩

25. Oswald Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology: A Contemporary Interpretation, trans. Thomas H. Trapp (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2008), 324. This complex attitude towards politics resonates with Luther’s perspective on the law. Despite the pervasive dominance of the “law and gospel antinomy” in interpretations of Luther’s theology of law, Luther himself, in fact, affirms a more positive and constructive significance of law. Bernd Wannenwetsch observes that Luther’s commentary on Genesis affirms “that the law is already there in the garden at the very moment when God explicitly calls on Adam to eat and not to eat.”26 Its full significance within the Garden is “worship in its fullest sense,”27 and already contained within it a social setting, established by God’s command (the law), suited to human communion with God. As Wannenwetsch describes, in the original state of innocence, “Adam, Eve and their family would have gathered under this tree (of knowing good and evil) to delight in God’s presence and praise.”28 In this idyllic scene, a living context existed where the politia, oikonomia, and ecclesia were one and the same.29 However, following humans’ fall, the law underwent a salvific self-alienation. It “must take on ‘alien cloth’ as utterly mortifying,” becoming a radical indictment against humankind.30 This is the postlapsarian meaning of law Luther has in mind when it is juxtaposed with the gospel. Yet it must not be overlooked that the purpose of the law’s self-alienation is directed towards the overcoming of its accusatory function. It accuses human beings to lead us to “die to sin and live to the Lord,”31 and in this new life of death and resurrection to imitate Christ, to be “made a Christ-like person.”32 The transformation of the law’s character before and after the fall of humanity is reflected in Luther’s seemingly inconsistent discourse on political authority. As Wannenwetsch puts it: ↩

26. Bernd Wannenwetsch, “Luther’s Moral Theology,” in The Cambridge Companion to Martin Luther, ed. Donald K. McKim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 125. ↩

27. Ibid. ↩

28. Ibid. ↩

29. Ibid., 130. See also, Hans G. Ulrich, Transfigured not Conformed: Christian Ethics in a Hermeneutic Key (London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2022), 124. ↩

30. Wannenwetsch, “Luther’s Moral Theology,” 126. ↩

31. “For the death he died he died to sin, once for all, but the life he lives he lives to God. So you also must consider yourselves dead to sin and alive to God in Christ Jesus.” Romans 6:10-11. ↩

32. Ibid., 126. On the one hand, he sees it as a postlapsarian function of God’s providence against the anarchic power of sin (usus politicus); but on the other, he entertains the existence of politics in a prelapsarian sense: namely as an ordered way of living together harmoniously under God’s rule without the coercive feature that marks political authority after the fall.33 Luther’s emphasis on the postlapsarian function of politics is primarily reflected in the doctrine of the two regiments, which assigns a passive role to worldly government. And the more positive meaning of politia in God’s creation is crystallised in Luther’s teaching on the three estates. Though dwelling in a postlapsarian world destined to pass away appears an established fact for humankind,34 the “Messianic-apocalyptic” eschatology enables Christians to perceive the reality of God having already breached this seemingly impenetrable “world-age” cage. Thus, they may anticipate, at concrete moments, employing renewed discernment to recognise and respond to God’s actions in the world. The three estates signify precisely the “elementary and paradigmatic forms of social life” proposed by Luther as suitable for discerning these actions, for they are “‘con-creatures’ of humankind” that are “created together with man in order to provide the social spheres that are necessary for a flourishing and obedient life.”35 Returning to Wang’s theoretical framework, I contend that the Lutheran doctrines of the “two” and of the three estates, as systematised so far in this chapter, hold greater promise than the neo-Reformed two-kingdoms approach he has adopted. First, from a negative perspective, a proper understanding of Luther’s doctrine of the “two” reveals that Wang’s endeavour to maintain both the political and ecclesiastical realms under God’s one rule is already implicit in Luther’s exposition of the two regiments, without requiring recourse to neo-Calvinist modifications. ↩

33. Ibid., 130. ↩

34. “And the world is passing away along with its desires, but whoever does the will of God abides forever.” 1 John 2:17. ↩

35. Wannenwetsch, “Luther’s Moral Theology,” 130. Secondly, this approach will avoid steering Wang’s public theological discourse back towards the language of his early liberal-conservative advocacy, thereby preserving greater scope within the Lutheran theological framework for the grammar of the martyrdom form of life. Specifically, since Luther’s later understanding of the kingdom of God was modelled on the image of Abel slain by Cain, suffering became an inescapable sign in the life of the two regiments under God’s one rule, where the true church remains hidden.36 This complements Wang’s later attempt, inspired by Luther’s theology of the cross, to link the Reformation with the martyrdom tradition of the house church. Thirdly, Luther’s doctrine of the three estates allows Wang to affirm the theological significance of the politia more positively as the place for God’s providential work. On the one hand, it avoids the uncompromising demands of Hauerwasianism, which insists that God’s polis must always be visibly distinguished from the world’s polis, thereby enabling an affirmation of the pursuit of civil society as the Christian endeavour of self-sacrifice for one’s neighbour. On the other hand, its Messianic recognition of political life coexists with an apocalyptic tension between the two kingdoms, demanding that Christians maintain constant discernment regarding God’s political action, which cannot be reduced to any political ideology. Under these conditions, Christian political witness will no longer be overly fixated, as in neo- Calvinism, on the propositional overlap between Scripture and secular politics. Instead, it must be rooted in the dynamic of a form of life continually renewed within God’s word. Last but not least, the doctrine of the three estates not only avoids marginalising the ecclesia through its affirmation of the other two estates, but rather serves to highlight the ↩

36. As Laffin points out, Luther in his later commentary on Genesis regarded Cain and Abel as “the ‘originators’ of the two churches (ecclesiae).” To the extent that it refers to the eschatological dualism between Christian and non-Christian rather than a division of social spheres, it can be said that it “maps on very neatly to” the division between the two kingdoms as expounded by Luther in his early work “Temporal Authority.” Laffin, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology, 99, 108. church’s centrality.37 This consequently reinforces Wang’s consistent assertion within the mission of publicisation that worship constitutes the very point of eruption for public life. For, as Luther’s commentary on Genesis demonstrates, God’s reality as engaged with the three estates originates from divine command. Its essence, therefore, constitutes a life of worship characterised by listening to and responding to God’s word. Although the church as God’s kingdom, due to its hiddenness, cannot be directly equated with the visible church organisation, this apocalyptic form of life in communion with God nonetheless demands corresponding institutional expressions. The estate of ecclesia emerges within this institutional unfolding, becoming “the paradigmatic estate in that it shows clearly the nature of human social life as established by the divine speech.”38 The sacraments and the mission of the proclamation of the Word have been divinely appointed to this estate,39 “where hearts and minds are transformed,” and the apocalyptic new grammar is learnt.40 2. Conclusion: Calling for Civil Society on the Way of the Cross This essay has fashioned a new lens through which to contemplate Wang and the ERCC’s faithful disobedience. Beginning with the historical context of June Fourth, we anchor our investigation in a dissident’s pursuit of genuine public life. We trace how Wang’s early pride as a conservative constitutionalist intellectual was shattered at the end of lamentation, only to rediscover glimmers of hope amidst the testimonies of persecuted members of ordinary house churches. Following his dramatic conversion to Christianity in 2005, Wang started a protracted journey to learn the new grammar of God’s apocalyptic kingdom. Initially, neo-Calvinist ↩

37. See Chapter 4, sec. 3.3. For an example of how the Kuyperian proposals for interreligious dialogue, particularly in contemporary Sino-theological circles, may lead to the marginalisation of worship life within Christian moral discourses, see Chapter 5, section 3.3. ↩

38. Laffin, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology, 180. ↩

39. For an in-depth investigation of Luther’s conception of sacraments as constituted by God’s performative speech act, see Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology, 53-54. ↩

40. Laffin, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology, 180. concepts such as sphere sovereignty and the Christian worldview served as crutches for Wang as he embarked on this new path, maintaining continuity with his earlier constitutionalist pursuits. Yet, in persistently maintaining ties with the martyrdom-oriented life forms of traditional house churches and practising the mission of publicisation, the theological framework of Kuyperianism proved inadequate, its joints riddled with gaps. Even as Wang steadfastly maintained the ERCC’s Reformed denominational identity, his theological approach—modelled on the Reformation’s rediscovery of the Gospel—had transcended the narrow, propositional-centred confines of Reformed theology, incorporating elements of Lutheranism, post-liberal theology, and even Anabaptism. The chronological development of Wang’s theology, alongside the interwoven elements of different denominational theologies within it, simultaneously signifies interpretative complexity and difficulty. On this point, it must be clarified that I do not intend to assert that the perspective presented in this thesis constitutes the only correct approach to understanding Wang’s theology. Nor does it represent a “prediction” of the development of Wang’s theology in the future. The dynamics of Wang’s theology imply numerous legitimate perspectives and possibilities, and his current imprisonment may well yield breakthroughs in his thinking. Within the scope of Wang’s available intellectual resources, this thesis aims to identify limitations in current theoretical research on Wang and to propose a more promising interpretive approach. To this end, I anchor Wang’s understanding of the ERCC’s public mission more firmly on a Lutheran theological basis and leave greater space for dialogue with the witness of the Confessing Church, particularly Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s theological exploration. Chapter 4 has already demonstrated the contributions and limitations of the Kuyperian interpretative framework that prevails in current scholarship on Wang’s theology. These studies clearly mark Wang’s shared concerns with many contemporary Chinese urban Christian intellectuals, such as Yu Jie and Wang Zhiyong. When despairing of China’s autonomous reform and embracing Liu Xiaobo’s political advocacy for “totalistic westernisation,” these intellectuals first adopted liberal conservatism, which, in many respects, is radically opposed to both the Communist Party’s planned economy and the collectivist political imagination of Chinese culture. They sought to forge a constitutional society governed by the rule of law, centred on a Lockean conception of individual rights. Just as they recognised the spectre of the Confucian scholar-official tradition’s Tianxia worldview as the spiritual bedrock underpinning today’s Communist regime, many among them traced the spiritual roots of Western liberal societies to the “Christian versus pagan” worldview conflict articulated by Kuyper, perceiving this as the spiritual essence of the cultural war they faced. Conservative political convictions, nurtured by Christian civilisation and generalised within Lockean political philosophy to remove their religious context, thus became the essential way for Christians to enter the public sphere and promote common grace. Nevertheless, I have already identified a crucial yet easily overlooked trajectory in Wang’s intellectual development. This trajectory, carried by poetry, emerges from the aesthetic concerns shared among certain post-June Fourth intellectuals and leads Wang, at the limits of human language, to turn back and discover the word that God graciously bestows in places of humility. In the process of learning a divine grammar within the life of worship, Wang gradually draws upon the theological resources available to him to compose hymns as a form of response. Compared with the political and legal theoretical discourses that have attracted increasing scholarly attention, Wang’s sustained engagement with aesthetics and poetry not only possesses a far longer genealogy but also occupies a more fundamental and generative place within his quest for a genuine public. After his conversion to Christianity, although his early Kuyperian reconfiguration of constitutional theory took shape first, this subterranean aesthetic current continued to function as the primary and more generative driving force behind his theological exploration. Seen in this light, Wang’s later turn towards postliberal theology and a martyrdom- oriented ecclesiology—particularly his emphasis on Christianity as a grammar and a form of life, together with his critique of Reformed propositionalism and doctrinalism—should not be understood as a sudden or entirely novel development. Rather, it ought to be interpreted as a stage-specific outcome of a far more fundamental and long-term theological quest. This belated yet more decisive trajectory enables us to grasp the profound critical force embodied in Wang’s and the ERCC’s practice of faithful disobedience. At its most basic level, their critique is directed not only against the demonic character of the Communist regime but also against the self-enclosure produced by humanity’s postlapsarian rupture with truthful and trustworthy language. If the pursuit of a civil society requires the restoration of intersubjectivity, Wang persistently interrogates the very possibility of a language that—within the cage of humanity’s self-enclosed words—might truly mark intersubjectivity, a language capable of reaching the other rather than merely projecting the self. From this perspective, Wang has, with quiet resolve, parted ways with his former rightist partners. Finally, even after this parting of ways, Wang continues to embrace the label of “conservatism” that has accompanied his intellectual journey throughout its various stages. For him, however, conservatism is no longer an assemblage of political ideologies or beliefs. As he insists: However we might sketch a conservative church, if its culture does not intensely focus upon the cross of Christ, then as Paul declared, “But God forbid that I should boast except in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, through which the world has been crucified to me, and I to the world. As for the world, it has been crucified to me” (Galatians 6:14). Then we are by no means conservative Christians, but modernist Christians.41 Much like his critically inherited identifications with “June Fourth” and “Calvinism,” conservatism for Wang is ultimately redefined in light of the way of the cross. The gospel and the cross, understood as a form of life, must give shape to this tradition rather than be shaped by it.42 Accordingly, the sacraments, worship, and the proclamation of the Word are no longer for Wang static rules or abstract principles, but sites where the Word of God actively encounters the church. As Oliver O’Donovan has evocatively described, they are “like the surface of a planet pocked with craters by the bombardment it receives from space,”43 and thus give rise to a richly textured institutional life. In this sense, Wang’s political theology is ultimately poetic. The poet, encountering this apocalyptic-messianic reality, is entrusted with the vocation of continually discerning the work of God within the given institutional forms, through a vision transformed in worship. That this thesis adopts academic methods and language to study Wang, a thinker for whom academicisation itself often appears as a betrayal of truthful language, may seem ironic. Indeed, this irony also gestures toward what may be understood as the most fundamental limitation of the present study. Precisely because Wang’s theology is, at its core, a form of life (a grammar) rather than a universally translatable system of propositions, its dynamic and resistant character ↩

41. Wang Yi, “Baoshou zhuyi de jiaohui sumiao,” 保守主义的教会素描 [A Sketch of Conservative Churches], in Lai yici shuling de jiaotan: Wang Yi mushi muhan xuanbian 来一次属灵的交谈：王怡牧师牧函选编 [Let’s Have a Spiritual Conversation: Selected Pastoral Letters of Pastor Wang Yi], ed. Li Yingqiang (Self-published, 2022), 95. https://www.wangyilibrary.com. ↩

42. “After coming to faith in the Lord, my “cultural conservatism” was shattered by the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ. … The essence of cultural conservatism is a form of moralism, for though it harbours a profound aversion to all that is present, its very heart is dominated by this aversion itself, thus becoming a self-righteous conservatism. … The cross of the Lord is the gospel’s conservatism. For the cross signifies the ransom Christ paid to guard our hearts. Christ came into this world to preserve a world that belongs to Him. He entered into filth to preserve purity; He humbled Himself to preserve honour. This is beyond the comprehension of all moralistic conservatives.” Wang Yi, “Fuyin de baoshou zhuyi” 福音的保守主义 [The Conservativism of the Gospel], in Lai yici shuling de jiaotan, 91. ↩

43. Oliver O’Donovan, The Desire of the Nations: Rediscovering the Roots of Political Theology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 212. renders it irreducible to the kind of static theoretical frameworks that have shaped much existing scholarship on Wang, such as Kuyperianism. Yet it is precisely here that the originality and vitality of Wang’s theological journey reside. Even where this thesis has sought to articulate Wang’s intellectual tradition in theoretical terms, its methodological orientation has consistently followed a postliberal theological path—one that attends to language within its cultural-linguistic context. That context, in this study, is understood as the institutional form of life generated by the presence of the Word of God in worship. Following Martin Luther, this form of life encompasses the estates of ecclesia, oeconomia, and politia. From this perspective, the task of theology is less to render definitive judgments on Wang’s theoretical development than to place his work in dialogue, demonstrating how this grammar is learned, practised, and inhabited within its concrete contexts. For this reason, this thesis deliberately retains a non-neutral and non-purely theoretical character, instead adopting an ethically action-oriented approach. In a certain sense, it is offered as an invitation for readers to enter the martyrial horizon of the way of the cross. This, however, does not imply that understanding is restricted to Christian insiders. As Bonhoeffer discovered during his imprisonment, when participation in formal worship was no longer possible, God continues to speak beyond the bounds of the ecclesia, within the other spheres of life that He has created.44 In this respect, Bonhoeffer’s witness resonates deeply with the Lutheran teaching on the three estates, reminding us that the Word encounters humanity not only within the church but also amid the ordinary, fragile, and contested realities of human existence. Wang’s praise hymns may be read precisely as responses formed within this horizon of divine ↩

44. Brian Brock, “Success and Failure: Public Disasters, Works of Love, and the Inwardness of Faithfulness,” in Who Am I?: Bonhoeffer’s Theology through His Poetry, ed. Bernd Wannenwetsch (London and New York: T&T Clark, 2009), 58. providence, in which language itself is continually returned to the One to whom it belongs, just as the Christian life is returned to Christ and, in turn, to the neighbour: I have embezzled many words from childhood When I encountered greatness, I tucked greatness into my pocket. When I read of glory, I hung glory on the wall. After encountering you, I want to return, one by one, the words that do not belong to me: Holiness, Righteousness, Goodness Wisdom, Faithfulness, Loving-kindness. Father, for Jesus’ sake have mercy on me For even today, as I take inventory of the storehouse, I find there are still some stolen goods I am unwilling to return.45 ↩

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